
Baby stolen during Argentina's military rule found after 48 years
In a news conference, the founder of the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, Estela de Carlotto, read out a statement while members of the group clapped and cheered."Today we welcome the son of Graciela Alicia Romero and Raúl Eugenio Metz," the 94-year-old said, while sitting next to a beaming Adriana Metz.While the man, whom the group referred to as "Grandchild 140", was not present, the group gave details of how he had been separated from his family.His parents were both political activists in Bahía Blanca, a city in Buenos Aires province. His father, Raúl Metz was one of 10 brothers, who followed in his father's footsteps and worked on the railways, while also being an active member of the Communist Party.His mother, Graciela Romero, studied economics and joined a Marxist guerrilla group, the PRT-ERP, with Metz shortly before the two got married. The couple had a daughter, Adriana, and Ms Romero was five months pregnant with a second child when the two were arrested at their home in December 1976.Shortly after seizing power in a military coup in March 1976, the junta tried to eradicate any opposition to its rule by rounding up critics.Tens of thousands were snatched in raids and held in clandestine detention centres.Many were tortured. Human rights groups estimate that some 30,000 people were killed or forcibly disappeared between 1976 and the end of military rule in 1983. Survivors told the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo that Graciela Romero had given birth to a son on 17 April 1977 while in captivity in the clandestine detention centre known as "La Escuelita" (Little School).
Fellow detainees say that both Romero and Metz were physically and psychologically tortured while in captivity, before being disappeared.Their one-year-old daughter Adriana was first looked after by neighbours who eventually handed the infant to her paternal grandparents.Both the Romero and Metz family searched for the couple and its son for decades.They are listed as disappeared and are feared to be among the many left-wing activists who were killed by the military regime.The Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo said it was an anonymous tip-off which had eventually led the group to "Grandchild 140".Working with the National Identity Commission (Conadi), an official body created to find children abducted by the military junta, they approached the man in April and offered him a DNA test. He agreed to take the test, and on Friday Conadi informed him that he was indeed the baby snatched from Graciela Romero in 1977.Adriana Metz said that during their phone call last week, he said that he had been raised as an only child."I told him 'hey, here I am'," she said at the press conference. Adriana added that she was eager to meet her brother, who lives 400km (250 miles) away, in person to hug him.Estela de Carlotto, who found her own missing grandson in 2014, said the fact that the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo had managed to locate one of the missing after 48 years showed how crucial their work was even after so many decades.
,
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Telegraph
3 hours ago
- Telegraph
White House gaffe ruins US prisoner swap
A deal to free Americans and political prisoners held in Venezuela fell through after rival officials in the Trump administration pursued two different plans. Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, and Richard Grenell, Donald Trump's Venezuela envoy, made conflicting efforts to secure the release of the prisoners, the New York Times reported. Such was the confusion that both men spoke to the same official in Venezuela, Jorge Rodríguez, the president of Venezuela's National Assembly. But the lack of coordination sank both efforts and the deal reportedly fell through, raising questions about the lack of coordination in the White House. In a statement, Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said there was 'no fraction of division'. She said: 'The president has one team, and everyone knows he is the ultimate decision maker.' Different plans made Mr Rubio's deal would have involved freeing several Americans and dozens of political prisoners being held in Venezuela, many of whom were arrested during protests about the contested Venezuelan election last year. In exchange Mr Rubio was offering to send home around 250 Venezuelans deported from the US to El Salvador. The Americans who would have been freed would have included Lucas Hunter, who was arrested in January, and Jonathan Pagan Gonzalez, who was detained in 2024. At the same time, Mr Grenell was working on his own plan to free around 80 Venezuelan political prisoners. In exchange for freeing some Americans as well, Mr Grenell was offering to let Chevron continue oil operations in Venezuela, giving the country's socialist government a key source of revenue. The problems reportedly began when Mr Grenell thought he had Mr Trump's approval but he had not given the final sign off. Rubio to be point person The State Department exchange was due to take place towards the end of May, but it was thrown into chaos when Mr Grenell mounted his own effort to free Joseph St Clair. Mr Grenell secured the release of the Air Force veteran by personally flying to Caracas: in January six other Americans came home under similar circumstances. Officials said Mr Grenell was 'surprised' to find out about the parallel efforts by the State Department but in future, Mr Rubio will be the point person for Venezuela. Responsibility for Venezuelan prisoner swaps adds to a lengthy list of jobs held by Mr Rubio. He is the secretary of state, acting administrator of the US Agency for International Development, acting archivist for the National Archives and Records Administration and interim national security adviser to the president. Families of Americans who are still detained in Venezuela voiced their frustration at the episode. Petra Castañeda, whose son, Wilbert Castañeda, 37, a Navy Seal, was arrested last year in Venezuela, said: 'The sense that we parents had was that you had various people talking, but they weren't working together — one negotiator would say one thing, and another would say something else. 'You would think they would be duly coordinated.'


The Independent
4 hours ago
- The Independent
How Trump officials botched a deal to get Americans out of Venezuelan prisons in exchange for deported migrants
Despite the Trump administration's claims that dozens of Venezuelan deportees sent to El Salvador's brutal maximum-security prison were no longer the responsibility of the United States, officials appeared to be willing to use them as a bargaining chip in a failed prisoner exchange. Donald Trump's administration was reportedly working on two separate deals to bring home 11 American citizens and legal permanent residents imprisoned in Venezuela in exchange for sending home roughly 250 Venezuelans who were deported from the United States to El Salvador. But those competing negotiations, led by Secretary of State Marco Rubio in one camp and presidential envoy Richard Grenell in another, appear to have fallen apart, leaving U.S. citizens and about 80 political prisoners in Venezuelan jails without a deal in sight. Trump's envoy offered up his own conflicting deal with Venezuela that offered up the continued operation of oil and gas giant Chevron, a massive financial pipeline for the Venezuelan government, according to The New York Times, citing people familiar with the talks. The strategy also appeared to undermine the United States' antagonistic approach to Nicolas Maduro's regime and previous attempts in Trump's first term to oust him through sanctions and diplomatic isolation. Roughly 250 Venezuelans were deported to El Salvador's brutal Terrorism Confinement Center beginning March 15, when the president invoked a centuries-old wartime law that labelled alleged Tren de Aragua gang members 'alien enemies' who could be summarily deported. The White House claims that Maduro directed an 'invasion' of gang members into the country — contradicting reports from U.S. intelligence agencies. Administration officials repeatedly have claimed for months that the United States no longer has jurisdiction over deportees now locked up in El Salvador. But authorities there recently told the United Nations that the 'legal responsibility for these people lie exclusively' with the U.S. government. The administration has argued it is powerless to move those detainees out of El Salvador despite federal court orders, yet officials were putting them in play for the botched prison transfer. 'This is yet another piece of evidence that the administration is deliberately stonewalling the courts and refusing to cooperate,' American Immigration Council fellow Aaron Reichlin-Melnick said. Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele had first hinted at prospects of a 'humanitarian agreement' with the countries in April, weeks after agreeing to imprison U.S. deportees in CECOT. Venezuelan officials, meanwhile, had dismissed the proposal and demanded the return of their 'kidnapped' countrymen. The initial prison swap talks were led by Rubio — who also serves as acting national security adviser, among other roles — and John McNamara, the top U.S. diplomat in Columbia, according to The Times. But Grenell — who is also the acting head of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts — had called the president to tell him he was making an offer of his own that included a Chevron deal more favorable to Venezuela, The Times reported. The White House, meanwhile, was fielding threats from Republican allies to pull their support from his massive spending bill if the administration eased oil sanctions against Venezuela. 'The uncoordinated pause in arms to Ukraine and the uncoordinated prisoner diplomacy with Venezuela both reflect not just generalized dysfunction in Trump 2.0 foreign policy process but specifically the weakness of the dual-hatted SecState/National Security Advisor,' according to Brian Finucane, a senior adviser with the International Crisis Group and senior fellow at Reiss Center on Law and Security at NYU School of Law. Grenell declined an interview request with The Times, 'but in an email used a profanity to denounce The Times's account of the separate deals as false,' according to the outlet. 'There is no fraction or division,' White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said in a statement. 'The president has one team, and everyone knows he is the ultimate decision maker.' A swap would likely involve the return of 11 Americans, including Lucas Hunter, who was arrested in January, and Jonathan Pagan Gonzalez, who was arrested last year. In May, Grenell had traveled to Venezuela on a separate trip to secure the release of Air Force veteran Joseph St. Clair, who was imprisoned in the country since November 2024. Grenell also helped release six other Americans in January shortly after Trump entered office. Maduro's government, meanwhile, has wrongfully detained at least 85 people with foreign citizenship, according to human rights watchdog organization Foro Penal.


The Guardian
9 hours ago
- The Guardian
Apocalypse in the Tropics review – how Brazilian politics succumbed to rightwing fundamentalism
Petra Costa's documentary tells a grim story about modern Brazil and leaves it up to us to decide if it has a happy ending. Apocalypse in the Tropics is about the country's political leaders' addiction to rightwing Christian fundamentalism, US-style prayer breakfasts, and a particular enthusiasm for the Book of Revelations, whose apocalyptic rhetoric is used to amplify all manner of conspiracist, xenophobic screeching. The politicians have a close association to televangelists like the always angry Pastor Silas Malafaia, interviewed at some length here, a strange man thrilled and energised by his own national celebrity and wealth, though irritated by questioning about his private plane, whose value, he says, has depreciated from over a million dollars new to about $800,000. Malafaia is someone for whom an ear-splittingly shrill and boorish rant about gays and communists is a natural mode of communication. The Christian caucus helped deliver the fiercely reactionary, blandly self-satisfied Jair Bolsonaro to the Brazilian presidency in 2019, though Bolsonaro's callous and incompetent handling of Covid probably sowed the seeds for discontent with his posturing rule. But the film also shows how the Workers' Party ex-president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva – known universally as 'Lula' – ran again for the presidency in 2021 and was careful to court the evangelical vote. Lula won in 2022 – and Bolsonaro, in Trumpian style, refused to concede, encouraged a coup and incited his supporters to storm government buildings. But what now? Is Lula simply the Brazilian Biden, ageing and uninspiring? Will someone else be the second coming of the Brazilian far right? Could it be the gruesome Pastor Malafaia himself perhaps? Or would he find the subsequent press scrutiny of all his personal dealings disagreeable? Democracy has never looked so vulnerable. Apocalypse in the Tropics is in cinemas from 11 July and on Netflix from 14 July.