
The Missing Voice: Disability, Democracy and the National Dialogue in South Africa
Framed as an inclusive effort to unify South Africans and shape the country's future, the Dialogue is composed of eminent persons from various sectors. However, upon closer examination, it becomes clear that there is a glaring omission, the deliberate exclusion of the Disability Sector. This is not only a political oversight but a failure of democratic integrity.
Perhaps it is time for those of us within the Disability Sector, particularly those who assume leadership roles, to align our sector proactively rather than reactively. This means moving beyond waiting for recognition or reacting to marginalisation after it happens. Instead, it calls for building a strategic, unified and assertive movement that positions disability at the center of national debates, not on the margins. We cannot expect national healing and democratic renewal while the voices of millions of South Africans with disabilities remain unheard.
There is no sector in this country without a rich leadership history, and the Disability Sector is no exception. From the dark days of apartheid to the hard-won gains of democracy, disabled South Africans and their allies have fought, organised, and built institutions not just for themselves but for a more just society. The role of history, after all, is not merely to remember the past but to ensure that its mistakes are never repeated and its strengths are intensified. The silencing of disability voices today, in the context of the 'inclusive' Dialogue, is a repetition of an old mistake, one we can no longer afford.
Let us not forget that during the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) negotiations in the early 1990s, the Disability Sector was initially excluded from key discussions. But rather than accept this invisibility, disability activists and leaders mobilised and protested, forcing their way into the national conversation. That struggle was not in vain. It inspired none other than President Nelson Mandela to begin recognising disability not merely as a welfare issue but as a human rights and developmental issue, in essence, a national question.
The lesson is clear: self-representation is not a luxury; it is a non-negotiable democratic principle. When disability is treated as an add-on or a footnote, it leads to policies that fail to address the real material conditions of disabled people. Inclusion cannot be symbolic. It must be structural, strategic, and substantive.
We are also reminded of the words of President Thabo Mbeki, who once said: 'Among the yardsticks by which to measure a society's respect for human rights, to evaluate the level of its maturity and its generosity of spirit, is by looking at the status that it accords to those members of society who are most vulnerable – disabled people, the senior citizens, and its children.'
This profound statement should serve as a moral compass to the current leadership corps and all those entrusted with shaping South Africa's social contract. It is not enough to host conferences, dialogues, or policy discussions if they exclude those most affected by injustice. Inclusion must be active, not passive. And the test of our democracy lies not in the speeches of our presidents but in the everyday experiences of disabled South Africans, many of whom still endure disproportionate poverty, unemployment, inaccessibility, and systemic neglect.
Yes, we have a Ministry for Women, Youth, and Persons with Disabilities, and yes, we have some policy documents and action plans that mention disability. But representation is not bureaucracy. It is about voice, power, and agency. If a National Dialogue is to truly 'unite all South Africans to shape their future,' then the absence of the Disability Sector is an indictment. It reveals that disability is still seen as peripheral, not foundational, to the national project.
We still have living legends in the Disability Sector, leaders who were instrumental in building the disability rights movement over four decades ago. These are individuals who resisted apartheid, challenged ableism, and laid the foundation for future generations of disabled activists and leaders. To exclude such individuals from the National Dialogue is to erase not only their personal contributions but the collective memory and vision of an entire movement. It suggests that the future is being imagined without us, rather than with us.
And what of the youth? Young disabled South Africans are watching. They are absorbing the messages sent by institutions and government. If they see that national spaces for dialogue and policymaking exclude disability perspectives, they internalise the idea that they do not belong therefore their issues are not important, and that the fight for recognition must still continue. That is a betrayal of both history and hope.
The question then becomes: What must we do?
First, the Disability Sector must organise with renewed urgency and clarity of purpose. This means strengthening Disabled People's Organisations (DPOs), investing in leadership development for young disabled people, and building coalitions across sectors including with labour, civil society, faith-based organisations, and political allies.
Second, we must insist on nothing about us without us. This rallying cry, born from global disability activism, must be more than a slogan. It must be a non-negotiable principle in all national processes especially those that shape the future.
Third, we must hold our leaders accountable. We cannot allow Ministries, Parliament, or even the Presidency to claim inclusion while practicing exclusion. We must use every tool of democracy, from litigation and protest to public advocacy and media engagement to make visible the systemic exclusion that too often hides behind bureaucratic language.
Fourth, we must use this moment to reimagine the Disability Sector itself. Too often, fragmentation, competition for resources, or donor-driven agendas have weakened our collective voice. This is a call for unity and solidarity, not just among disabled people but with all those who believe in justice.
Finally, we must ensure that the National Dialogue and every other major national initiative, includes Disability at the table from the very beginning. Not because we are asking for pity or charity, but because we are claiming our rightful place in the national imagination.
The future of South Africa cannot be built by silencing its most marginalised voices. It cannot be sustained by erasing history or overlooking those who built the path to democracy. If the National Dialogue is to have legitimacy, then it must include all of us, black and white, rich and poor, urban and rural, disabled and non-disabled.
If it does not, then it is not a national dialogue. It is a national monologue, one that speaks of unity while practicing exclusion.
And so we return to the question of leadership. Will the Disability Sector wait to be invited? Or will it reclaim its voice, its power, and its place? The answer will determine not only the future of disability rights in South Africa, but the very soul of our democracy.
Lucky Tumahole – Disability Advocate
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Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading The case has become a flashpoint between the Labour Party and a coalition of prominent civil society groups aligned with the state. On June 30, the aforementioned foundations were granted leave to intervene, defending the Dialogue. Mathunjwa said: 'These are not bystanders. These are political actors with deep ties to the post-apartheid ruling class. Their role isn't to unite the nation, it's to preserve an elite consensus forged behind closed doors.' He accused the foundations of betraying the legacies of the leaders they represent: 'The same communities (these leaders) stood for are ravaged by gender-based violence, unemployment, and poverty. Now these elites want a 'dialogue' instead of action.' Mathunjwa also criticised the procedural manoeuvring surrounding the case, particularly the fact that the foundations submitted answering affidavits before being granted leave to intervene — a step he described as 'arrogance, plain and simple'. The Labour Party claims the Dialogue is a smokescreen for International Monetary Fund(IMF)-driven austerity policies, including Eskom privatisation and neoliberal reforms. 'This is a rubber stamp for IMF instructions, nothing more,' Mathunjwa said. 'If Parliament is functional, why create a new platform? This isn't inclusion, it's circumvention.' The state's delayed filing of its answering papers — missing key deadlines — has further fuelled suspicions of procedural stalling. 'They missed the deadline, and now they're bringing in reinforcements to stall,' Mathunjwa said. 'The President cannot wake up and decide to allocate R800m without parliamentary scrutiny,' Mkhumbane argued. 'This is executive overreach masquerading as participation.' As the legal showdown looms, the Labour Party has called on ordinary South Africans to reject what it calls a 'PR stunt' designed to distract from worsening conditions across the country. 'Rape, violence, and poverty don't need a dialogue, they need action,' Mathunjwa declared. 'We're ready to meet them in court.' Political analyst and author Nicholas Woode-Smith delivered a scathing critique of Ramaphosa's National Dialogue, calling it a 'vanity project' designed more to distract South Africans than to solve the country's deepening crises. Woode-Smith, managing editor of *The Rational Standard* and a senior associate at the Free Market Foundation, argues that the event — budgeted at R700 million — was emblematic of Ramaphosa's leadership style. 'This is not going to be some miraculous meeting of the minds where all of South Africa's many issues are solved,' Woode-Smith said. 'On the contrary, Ramaphosa has set up the entire indaba to distract South Africans from the fact that he is completely underequipped to be our president.' He added: 'This entire affair could have been an email.' According to Woode-Smith, the high cost of the summit reflects its true nature — a political exercise in self-aggrandisement rather than a genuine attempt at national healing or problem-solving. 'The initial cost of R700m is just a testament to the fact that this entire event is a vanity project,' he stated. 'Ramaphosa is even taking advantage of condemnations of the quoted bill to try to act like he cares about cost-cutting. If he truly cared about saving money, he'd privatise Transnet and Eskom and stop bailing out the Post Office and SAA.' He continued: 'The fact that even a cent of taxpayer money is being spent on Ramaphosa's little pow-wow is unacceptable.' Woode-Smith questioned the very purpose of the National Dialogue, pointing out that there is no clear objective or roadmap for how it will lead to tangible change. 'It is also unclear what this National Dialogue aims to accomplish,' he said. 'Even if Ramaphosa hears contrary views, they will go ignored. The ANC has a history of not working with its partners. Why should we expect Ramaphosa to respect challenges to ANC policy in a National Dialogue when his party runs roughshod over his coalition partners in the Government of National Unity (GNU)?'. 'It is also unclear what this National Dialogue aims to accomplish,' he said. 'Even if Ramaphosa hears contrary views, they will go ignored. The ANC has a history of not working with its partners. Why should we expect Ramaphosa to respect challenges to ANC policy in a National Dialogue when his party runs roughshod over his coalition partners in the Government of National Unity (GNU)?' He pointed to recent actions by the president as evidence of the ANC's inability to share power responsibly. 'The ANC does not know how to share power,' Woode-Smith asserted. 'At every turn, it has ignored the fact that it is a partner in government, and not a dictator. Ramaphosa firing the Democratic Alliance (DA) Minister Andrew Whitfield is just the most recent example. And no, his excuse is not sufficient. He is not a dictator who can unilaterally kick out ministers.' He further said: 'He is a partner in a coalition government who should be in constant dialogue with the other parties. He should try that dialogue before making it national.' The analyst also criticised the ruling party's legislative agenda, particularly the Basic Education Laws Amendment (BELA) Bill and expropriation without compensation, which he says were pushed through without meaningful consultation. 'Pushing through BELA and expropriation without compensation, while refusing to countenance any dissent are just the cherries on top of the farce that is pluralism in the GNU,' he said. Woode-Smith also took aim at the composition of the so-called 'Eminent Persons Group,' tasked with facilitating the dialogue. 'Meant to represent South Africa as leaders that reflect 'the great diversity of our nation,' this group is nowhere close to reflecting the true, political diversity of this country,' he argued. He noted that the list includes 'a few business leaders, trade unionists, religious leaders, researchers and politicians. But mostly just celebrities. Actors, writers, sportsmen, models.' He asked: 'Is this supposed to be a serious discussion to establish a way forward for our crumbling society, or a festival of shiny faces and shallow vibes?' 'There are no drastic alternative views to Ramaphosa's dogma present in the list,' Woode-Smith said. 'Only Lindiwe Mazibuko was a member of the opposition, and her departure from the DA was not cordial.' He concluded: 'Ramaphosa has crafted a list of yes-men, with some token business leaders who are likely to be too afraid to rock the boat to be too outspoken. This is not the guest list of a dialogue. It's that of an echo chamber.' In Woode-Smith's view, a real national dialogue would involve voices across the ideological spectrum — including those who strongly oppose the ANC's policies. 'A true national dialogue, with the aim of patching South Africa's rifts and working towards solving our problems needs to include parties from all sides of the spectrum,' he said. 'Most importantly, Ramaphosa's enemies; he should have invited Ernst Roets. He should have invited Kallie Kriel.' Meanwhile, former president Thabo Mbeki in a strongly worded open letter to DA leader John Steenhuisen who threatened to boycott the National Dialogue in retaliation to Whitfield being fired from his position as Deputy Minister of Trade, Industry and Competition.