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IOL News
6 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Mandela's legacy: SA in dire need of decisive, principled leadership
Then ANC President Nelson Mandela (centre) flanked by Cyril Ramaphosa (left) and Jacob Zuma at the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) on December 20,1991 in Johannesburg. Mandela's life remains a formidable example. His leadership was principled, resolute, and intolerant of external dictates, internal inefficiency and ill-discipline, says the writer. Image: AFP Reneva Fourie Today, 18 July, we celebrate Mandela Day. The occasion requires that we reflect on the qualities that defined former President Nelson Mandela and consider how they can be applied to South Africa's current woes. As society faces socio-economic challenges, institutional decay and an increasing culture of individualism, Mandela's legacy of decisive leadership stands in stark contrast to the erosion of authority that dominates today's political landscape. No country develops by chance. Effective leadership is crucial for fostering economic resilience and driving progress, particularly in the face of global challenges. China, for instance, emerged as an international economic powerhouse after implementing transformative reforms from the late 1970s. By the end of 2020, the country had successfully achieved its objective of lifting more than 850 million people out of absolute poverty. This metamorphosis was propelled by leaders who understood that effective governance should prioritise the needs of the people and must be supported by integrated, strategic, long-term planning. Nelson Mandela was such a transformational leader. In the ANC Youth League, he agitated for a mass-based movement. He was instrumental in the founding of uMkhonto we Sizwe, the ANC's armed wing. He turned down Botha's offer to be released if he agreed to renounce violence. After he was released from prison in 1990, he convinced the ANC to make difficult compromises during the negotiations to ensure peace and a better future. He did not put up with any nonsense from FW De Klerk, as shown in his famous temper speech. He used his strong leadership skills to help calm a country that was close to civil war after Chris Hani was assassinated. His presidency was marked by a commitment to improving the lives of South Africans. His administration delivered water, electricity, public housing and affordable healthcare on a scale that drew admiration from around the world. He saw governance as a tool to serve the people, especially the poor and marginalised. Mandela was a voice for global justice. He continued to oppose poverty, inequality and conflict with unwavering determination and remained a staunch supporter of liberation movements worldwide. He boldly defended the people of Palestine and defied US threats by hosting leaders like Castro and Gaddafi. His belief in Pan-African unity never faded. Leadership is too often viewed in terms of political control, economic influence, or the visibility of social movements. Yet, at its core, leadership is a responsibility that must be shared. Mandela's legacy did not arise in a vacuum. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ He was part of a generation of exceptional and selfless cadres. Before 1990, the activists and leaders of the ANC-led alliance and the broader anti-apartheid movement operated with a coherence and discipline that is increasingly hard to find today. Their commitment was forged in sacrifice. Many faced detention, torture, imprisonment, life on the run, exile and the supreme sacrifice. Their common aim was to build a just and democratic South Africa in honour of their efforts and the lives lost during the liberation struggle. When leadership spoke, it was listened to. Recalling a sitting president for personal ambition was unheard of. And the recent attempts at external interference in domestic matters would never have been welcomed, let alone encouraged. Today, the country needs that same discipline and cohesion. Those who hold power in the state must rise to the occasion. Ministers must be effective and accountable. The President should remove those tainted by scandal. The Minister of Public Administration must act quickly to improve the efficiency of the public sector. The Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs must ensure that municipalities deliver services. National Treasury should stop deferring to international financial institutions and begin asserting national priorities. The security cluster requires a total institutional overhaul to restore public confidence. Parliament must act boldly to oversee the executive and hold it accountable. The judiciary must reaffirm its commitment to impartiality and the pursuit of effective justice. Poor governance is not solely due to corrupt or ineffective public leaders. It also reflects a breakdown in our sense of mutual ownership. A thriving democracy requires participation from those who govern and those who are governed. Although the state bears responsibility, ultimate power resides with the people. It was ordinary citizens, as inspired – among others – by the ANC-led alliance, who made the dream of freedom from apartheid a reality. That same commitment to civic responsibility must now be exercised to ensure that government remains accountable and effective. We must dismiss the notion that leadership is reserved for politicians or elites. Genuine leadership exists within communities, workplaces, homes, and our everyday interactions. This is why Mandela Day and initiatives like the 67 minutes of community service remain so important. These gestures remind us of our shared humanity and collective responsibility, allowing us to connect across divides and channel our discontent into action. But volunteering once a year is not enough. The spirit of Mandela demands sustained civic engagement, critical vigilance, and an unwavering insistence on integrity at every level of government. Effective governance is a partnership. It is not a battleground for self-interest but a space for cooperation and joint leadership. Decisions must reflect the voices and needs of all, not just the few. This will enhance state legitimacy and cultivate a stronger, more resilient society. Mandela's life remains a formidable example. He did not seek power for its own sake. He used it to uplift others. He led by listening, acting, and uniting. His leadership was principled, resolute, and intolerant of external dictates, internal inefficiency and ill-discipline. On this Mandela Day, let us honour his legacy not only with remembrance but with resolve. Let us demand accountability and competence, and a reward principle. Let us insist that those who lead us do so in the service of all. Because in the end, as Mandela himself taught us, what counts in life is not the mere fact that we have lived. It is about what difference we have made to the lives of others. * Dr Reneva Fourie is a policy analyst specialising in governance, development and security. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
The South African
14-07-2025
- Politics
- The South African
Firoz Cachalia: From Benoni to Wits, to Acting Police Minister
President Cyril Ramaphosa announced the appointment of Professor Firoz Cachalia as Acting Minister of Police on Sunday, 13 July. Cachalia is a professor of law at the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits). However, he is expected to retire from the position at the end of July. He also chairs the National Anti-Corruption Advisory Council (NACAC). Ramaphosa's announcement of Cachalia's appointment surprised citizens, with many questioning the reasons behind it and whether he is the most suitable person for the job. He was born on 22 July 1958 in Benoni, and his political journey began at a young age. While at university, Cachalia, along with his brother, Azhar, were arrested for distributing pamphlets to commemorate the Soweto Uprising. Both were severely assaulted and tortured during the arrest. Just three years later, the brothers were again arrested for political activities and detained for several weeks. They were banned under the Internal Security Act and prohibited from participating in any organisations. Despite this, Cachalia remained steadfast in the fight against apartheid. According to South African History Online , he held various leadership positions in anti-apartheid organisations. He played a leading role in the Convention for a Democratic South Africa negotiations. Cachalia also worked with the committee that drafted the first versions of the country's constitution. In addition, he held leadership positions in the United Democratic Front (UDF), African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP) and private sectors. In 2022, Ramaphosa appointed a nine-member council led by Cachalia. The Presidency described the NACAC as a multi-sectoral partnership to fight against corruption, fraud and other criminality. Last year, the NACAC chairperson released some of the council's proposals for Ramaphosa. These included the ability to investigate criminal corruption when it is discovered. While the road ahead seems bumpy, the NACAC chairperson has garnered some support. Chairperson of the National Assembly's Portfolio Committee on Police, Ian Cameron, described Cachalia's appointment as a commendable move. He said it was a step forward in restoring public trust, adding that Cachalia is competent, credible, and serious about good governance. Cachalia will serve as Acting Police Minister from 1 August. Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 11. Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X and Bluesky for the latest news
The Citizen
04-07-2025
- Politics
- The Citizen
The Missing Voice: Disability, Democracy and the National Dialogue in South Africa
SEDIBENG.- The recently announced commencement of a National Dialogue by President Cyril Ramaphosa should be a wake-up call for the South African Disability Sector. Framed as an inclusive effort to unify South Africans and shape the country's future, the Dialogue is composed of eminent persons from various sectors. However, upon closer examination, it becomes clear that there is a glaring omission, the deliberate exclusion of the Disability Sector. This is not only a political oversight but a failure of democratic integrity. Perhaps it is time for those of us within the Disability Sector, particularly those who assume leadership roles, to align our sector proactively rather than reactively. This means moving beyond waiting for recognition or reacting to marginalisation after it happens. Instead, it calls for building a strategic, unified and assertive movement that positions disability at the center of national debates, not on the margins. We cannot expect national healing and democratic renewal while the voices of millions of South Africans with disabilities remain unheard. There is no sector in this country without a rich leadership history, and the Disability Sector is no exception. From the dark days of apartheid to the hard-won gains of democracy, disabled South Africans and their allies have fought, organised, and built institutions not just for themselves but for a more just society. The role of history, after all, is not merely to remember the past but to ensure that its mistakes are never repeated and its strengths are intensified. The silencing of disability voices today, in the context of the 'inclusive' Dialogue, is a repetition of an old mistake, one we can no longer afford. Let us not forget that during the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) negotiations in the early 1990s, the Disability Sector was initially excluded from key discussions. But rather than accept this invisibility, disability activists and leaders mobilised and protested, forcing their way into the national conversation. That struggle was not in vain. It inspired none other than President Nelson Mandela to begin recognising disability not merely as a welfare issue but as a human rights and developmental issue, in essence, a national question. The lesson is clear: self-representation is not a luxury; it is a non-negotiable democratic principle. When disability is treated as an add-on or a footnote, it leads to policies that fail to address the real material conditions of disabled people. Inclusion cannot be symbolic. It must be structural, strategic, and substantive. We are also reminded of the words of President Thabo Mbeki, who once said: 'Among the yardsticks by which to measure a society's respect for human rights, to evaluate the level of its maturity and its generosity of spirit, is by looking at the status that it accords to those members of society who are most vulnerable – disabled people, the senior citizens, and its children.' This profound statement should serve as a moral compass to the current leadership corps and all those entrusted with shaping South Africa's social contract. It is not enough to host conferences, dialogues, or policy discussions if they exclude those most affected by injustice. Inclusion must be active, not passive. And the test of our democracy lies not in the speeches of our presidents but in the everyday experiences of disabled South Africans, many of whom still endure disproportionate poverty, unemployment, inaccessibility, and systemic neglect. Yes, we have a Ministry for Women, Youth, and Persons with Disabilities, and yes, we have some policy documents and action plans that mention disability. But representation is not bureaucracy. It is about voice, power, and agency. If a National Dialogue is to truly 'unite all South Africans to shape their future,' then the absence of the Disability Sector is an indictment. It reveals that disability is still seen as peripheral, not foundational, to the national project. We still have living legends in the Disability Sector, leaders who were instrumental in building the disability rights movement over four decades ago. These are individuals who resisted apartheid, challenged ableism, and laid the foundation for future generations of disabled activists and leaders. To exclude such individuals from the National Dialogue is to erase not only their personal contributions but the collective memory and vision of an entire movement. It suggests that the future is being imagined without us, rather than with us. And what of the youth? Young disabled South Africans are watching. They are absorbing the messages sent by institutions and government. If they see that national spaces for dialogue and policymaking exclude disability perspectives, they internalise the idea that they do not belong therefore their issues are not important, and that the fight for recognition must still continue. That is a betrayal of both history and hope. The question then becomes: What must we do? First, the Disability Sector must organise with renewed urgency and clarity of purpose. This means strengthening Disabled People's Organisations (DPOs), investing in leadership development for young disabled people, and building coalitions across sectors including with labour, civil society, faith-based organisations, and political allies. Second, we must insist on nothing about us without us. This rallying cry, born from global disability activism, must be more than a slogan. It must be a non-negotiable principle in all national processes especially those that shape the future. Third, we must hold our leaders accountable. We cannot allow Ministries, Parliament, or even the Presidency to claim inclusion while practicing exclusion. We must use every tool of democracy, from litigation and protest to public advocacy and media engagement to make visible the systemic exclusion that too often hides behind bureaucratic language. Fourth, we must use this moment to reimagine the Disability Sector itself. Too often, fragmentation, competition for resources, or donor-driven agendas have weakened our collective voice. This is a call for unity and solidarity, not just among disabled people but with all those who believe in justice. Finally, we must ensure that the National Dialogue and every other major national initiative, includes Disability at the table from the very beginning. Not because we are asking for pity or charity, but because we are claiming our rightful place in the national imagination. The future of South Africa cannot be built by silencing its most marginalised voices. It cannot be sustained by erasing history or overlooking those who built the path to democracy. If the National Dialogue is to have legitimacy, then it must include all of us, black and white, rich and poor, urban and rural, disabled and non-disabled. If it does not, then it is not a national dialogue. It is a national monologue, one that speaks of unity while practicing exclusion. And so we return to the question of leadership. Will the Disability Sector wait to be invited? Or will it reclaim its voice, its power, and its place? The answer will determine not only the future of disability rights in South Africa, but the very soul of our democracy. Lucky Tumahole – Disability Advocate At Caxton, we employ humans to generate daily fresh news, not AI intervention. Happy reading!
The Citizen
20-06-2025
- Politics
- The Citizen
Afrikaners must be part of the national dialogue
Leaving conservative Afrikaners out of South Africa's National Dialogue could reignite old tensions and deepen instability at a critical political moment. A group of Afrikaners gathered outside the American Embassy in Pretoria to deliver a memorandum to US President Donald Trump. Picture: Nigel Sibanda /The Citizen It is obvious that, in many ways, South Africa is a vastly different place from when politicians and civic organisations sat down to negotiate a peaceful end to apartheid and a transition to a majority-rule democracy in the early '90s. However, in some worrying respects, there are aspects of our current situation which mirror those of that era. As the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (Codesa) gathered in Kempton Park in 1991, it was clear the end was in sight for the National Party government. International pressure was mounting and the country was teetering on the edge of the abyss of a civil war. In a sense, the ANC is facing a similar 'end of days' scenario to the Nats, having lost electoral support and facing challenges from both sides of the political spectrum. It is also facing, rightly or wrongly, international censure because some foreign governments – led by the Americans – believe whites are being persecuted. ALSO READ: Amerikaners founder denies claims of 'struggling' South African 'refugees' in US Another parallel is that, so far, those representing conservative Afrikaners don't appear to have been brought under the umbrella of the National Dialogue announced by President Cyril Ramaphosa. These right-wing groups have led the charge against the ANC and have gained a receptive audience overseas. Afrikaners like Ernst Roets, who has strong relationships with international conservatism, are proposing a form of federal government arrangement which, they claim, does not amount to a revival of the 'Volkstaat' concept… although it seems to be so in all but name. Whether Ramaphosa and the other participants in the National Dialogue like it or not, that issue cannot be ignored. If it is, the way is open for further racial polarisation and instability – and even worse down the line. What the dialogue must not become is an expensive talk shop. Our country is falling apart and it needs to be fixed. NOW READ: Trump-Musk breakup: Will 49 'refugees' return to South Africa?
