Blast sparks new tensions
Thai authorities said the three soldiers were injured by a landmine while on a patrol on July 16 on the Thai side of the disputed border area between Ubon Ratchathani and Cambodia's Preah Vihear province.
Cambodia's foreign ministry denied that new mines had been planted, and said in a statement on Monday night that the Thai soldiers deviated from agreed patrol routes into Cambodian territory and into areas that contain unexploded landmines.
The country is littered with landmines laid during decades of war.
'The Royal Government of Cambodia categorically denies these baseless and unfounded allegations,' the ministry said.
It added the country was fully committed to the Ottawa Convention, an international agreement banning anti-personnel landmines.
On Monday, the Thai army said that 10 freshly laid Russian-made PMN-2 type landmines, which are not used or stockpiled by Thailand, were found between July 18 and July 20 in areas near where the soldiers were injured.
'This is a clear violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Kingdom of Thailand and an outright breach of principles that are fundamental to international law,' Maratee Nalita Andamo, deputy spokesperson for the Thai Foreign Ministry, said on Monday in Bangkok.
Figures from the Cambodia Mine Action Centre, which estimates there are still four to six million landmines scattered across the country, show five people were killed and a dozen injured by mines and unexploded ordnance in Cambodia in the first four months of 2025.
The area where the Thai soldiers were injured is near where a Cambodian soldier was killed in May after a brief exchange of gunfire between the troops.
The shooting has since flared into a broader diplomatic dispute between the neighbours that has destabilised the Thai government and seen the Prime Minister suspended from office. — Reuters
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Malay Mail
13 minutes ago
- Malay Mail
Demilitarise to stabilise: Why the Ta Muen Thom sector must be the first to fall silent — Phar Kim Beng
JULY 25 — In the long and tangled history of Thailand-Cambodia relations, the frontier between the two nations has often served less as a boundary and more as a crucible for conflict. Nowhere is this more evident than the Ta Muen Thom sector — where barbed wire, bunkers, and bitter memories converge. It is precisely here, in this theatre of overlapping claims and ancient temples, that we must begin a new journey: the full demilitarisation of the border, starting with this volatile corridor. Recent skirmishes along the frontier — most notably the deadly exchange of fire near the Emerald Triangle in May 2025 and the confirmed allegations of Cambodian minelaying reported by The Bangkok Post in July — have revived ghosts of the past. From 2008 to 2011, Thai and Cambodian troops faced off repeatedly over sacred sites like Preah Vihear and Ta Krabey. Peace was elusive because firepower and politics trumped common sense. As tensions now threaten to spiral again, the stakes are even higher, exacerbated by the intermingling of military control with the illegal digital economy, narcotics networks, and cross-border crime. The line between sovereignty and subversion is blurring fast. To break this dangerous cycle, Asean must act decisively, and Bangkok and Phnom Penh must agree to a phased, externally monitored demilitarisation. The logical starting point is the Ta Muen Thom corridor, not only because of its historical sensitivity but also its current operational volatility. This is not simply a symbolic gesture — it is a strategic necessity. The case for Ta Muen Thom Located in Surin province on the Thai side and Oddar Meanchey on the Cambodian side, the Ta Muen Thom complex has long been a fault line between military patrols and nationalist claims. It houses not just a sacred Khmer-era temple but a frontline of armoured deployments. Any spark here—be it accidental or deliberate—could ignite a wider conflict. More importantly, this area sits atop one of the most porous segments of the border, where human trafficking, scam syndicates, and illicit arms movement have flourished under the cloak of nationalism. Cambodia's decision to lay new mines, allegedly to slow Thai military advances, is a grim reminder of the past's persistence. Despite being a signatory to the Ottawa Treaty banning landmines, Phnom Penh's apparent violations not only endanger civilians but inflame already raw sentiments in Thailand. For Bangkok, any suggestion of Cambodian expansionism, especially near ancient temples with shared heritage, plays directly into domestic narratives of sovereignty under siege. Yet it is this very mix of history and hysteria that makes the Ta Muen Thom corridor the most urgent candidate for demilitarisation. A Cambodian military personnel stands on a BM-21 Grad multiple rocket launcher, around 40km from the disputed Ta Moan Thom temple, after Thailand and Cambodia exchanged heavy artillery on Friday as their worst fighting in more than a decade stretched for a second day, in Oddar Meanchey province, Cambodia, July 25, 2025. — Reuters pic Three tiers of ceasefire: From tactical to transformational Ceasefire agreements alone are not enough. History shows that Thailand and Cambodia have repeatedly agreed to halt hostilities only to see fighting resume within days. That is why this conflict demands a structured and multi-layered approach to demilitarisation — built on three essential types of ceasefires. First, tactical or local ceasefires are needed immediately. These must be enforced at flashpoints like Ta Muen Thom, Khnar Temple, and Preah Vihear. Commanders on both sides must establish direct communication channels, perhaps via an Asean Emergency Border Hotline, to prevent miscalculations and rogue operations. When troops face off without coordination, minor incidents can escalate into major bloodshed. Second, a ceasefire monitored by neutral observers is crucial. This was the original intent behind the 2011 agreement that allowed Indonesian observers to patrol the Preah Vihear region. A similar framework should now be extended to Ta Muen Thom. The Asean Secretariat, with support from the Asean Regional Forum (ARF), can redeploy a border monitoring team composed of unarmed civilians and retired military officials from neutral Asean states like Malaysia and Indonesia. Their presence would reduce the chance of surprise offensives and increase transparency. Third, and most vital for long-term peace, a permanent ceasefire must be legally embedded in an internationally recognised framework. This would entail mutual recognition of the ICJ's 1962 and 2013 rulings, which awarded Preah Vihear to Cambodia and called for the establishment of demilitarised zones. Thailand has often rejected the ICJ's broader jurisdiction over the border demarcation, but in the spirit of Asean unity, both sides must now work through the Asean Charter's High Council for Dispute Resolution or agree to third-party arbitration by an Asean–UN hybrid mechanism. Geopolitics and local politics: A dangerous nexus Why is such decisive action urgent now? Because the regional geopolitical climate is shifting fast — and not in Asean's favour. China's expanding role in both Cambodia's digital economy and Thai political patronage has introduced new complexities. Beijing's request earlier this year for Thailand to crack down on scam networks operating out of border casinos was met with quiet compliance in Bangkok but fury in Phnom Penh. Leaked communications between former Prime Minister Hun Sen and Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra revealed growing distrust. For Hun Sen, whose family network is deeply intertwined with the digital economy emanating from the Cambodian frontier, Thai enforcement risks undermining his dynastic interests. For Paetongtarn, whose premiership rests on winning over both military and civilian constituencies, appearing weak in the face of Cambodian provocation is politically untenable. Both are prisoners of their own nationalist narratives. Against this backdrop, a military provocation — even unintended — could provide domestic political capital. But it would be catastrophic for regional stability. The Asean responsibility to intervene Asean is often criticised for being slow, reactive, or overly cautious. But the bloc is not without tools. Article 23 of the Asean Charter allows the convening of a High Council to mediate disputes. The Asean Chair — currently Malaysia — can immediately request an emergency consultation with both parties, perhaps convened in neutral Jakarta. If necessary, Malaysia and Vietnam should be appointed as special envoys to mediate, given their shared borders and vested interest in a stable mainland South-east Asia. Asean must also back the creation of a Joint Border Demilitarisation Commission, supported by the United Nations Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (UNDPPA), to facilitate logistics, mapping, and troop withdrawals — starting with Ta Muen Thom. This could become a model for resolving other disputed zones, such as along the Lao–Cambodia and Myanmar–Thailand borders. Demilitarisation is not appeasement Critics will argue that withdrawing troops from Ta Muen Thom or allowing third-party monitoring is tantamount to surrendering sovereignty. But this is a false binary. Demilitarisation, when coupled with international recognition and border development funds, strengthens sovereignty by removing the incentives for proxy warfare and illegal trafficking. It also frees both governments from being manipulated by warlords, digital mafia networks, or patronage-based military elites. With peace, the border can become a zone of connectivity, not conflict — supporting trade, tourism, and joint heritage management. Conclusion: Let the silence begin where it's loudest If Asean wants to demonstrate relevance amid rising geopolitical uncertainty, the demilitarisation of the Thai Cambodian border — beginning with Ta Muen Thom — must be its priority. Here lies not just a relic of civilisational pride, but a powder keg of modern insecurity. Turning it into a demilitarised zone would send a powerful signal: that South-east Asia will not be held hostage to the past, nor to the criminal networks and nationalist tempers of the present. Peace is not forged in grand declarations but in quiet zones. Let the silence begin where the guns once roared the loudest. *Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is the Director of the Institute of Internationalisation and Asean Studies (IINTAS) at the International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM). He served as a former Head Teaching Fellow at Harvard University and is a Cambridge Commonwealth Scholar. **This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
The Star
40 minutes ago
- The Star
Thailand condemns Cambodia in letter to UN, asserting sovereignty violation
BANGKOK: Thailand has officially submitted a letter to the United Nations (UN) exposing acts of aggression by Cambodia, including the planting of new PMN-2 landmines, attacks on military bases, and assaults on civilians in four border provinces. The letter emphasises that these acts constitute a violation of international law while affirming Thailand's commitment to resolving the conflict peacefully. 1. Use of New PMN-2 Landmines Inside Thai Territory On July 16 and 23, 2025, while patrolling within Thai territory along the border, Thai soldiers encountered newly planted PMN-2 anti-personnel landmines, resulting in two soldiers being severely injured and several others wounded. Evidence indicates that the mines were recently placed, despite Thailand having destroyed all of its landmine stockpiles in 2003 and reporting this transparently to the UN. In contrast, Cambodia was reported as still possessing PMN-2 mines as of late 2024, leading Thailand to conclude that Cambodia is violating its obligations under the Ottawa Convention (Mine Ban Treaty). 2. Armed Attack by Cambodian Forces on Thai Territory At 8.20am on July 24, 2025, Cambodian troops opened fire on a Thai military base at Ta Muen Thom in Surin Province, killing two Thai soldiers instantly. Cambodia then expanded the operation indiscriminately into civilian areas in four Thai border provinces: Buriram, Surin, Sisaket, and Ubon Ratchathani, resulting in: A total of 11 civilian deaths 24 injured (eight seriously) Heavy damage to civilian infrastructure including hospitals, schools, and public buildings Over 102,000 people forced to evacuate their homes 3. Violation of the UN Charter Thailand reaffirms that Cambodia's use of force is a clear violation of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter, which prohibits the threat or use of force against another state. It is also contrary to the principle of peaceful coexistence between neighbouring countries. Thailand has exercised maximum restraint, and its military response is a legitimate act of self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter, carried out in a limited and targeted manner to counter the immediate threat posed by Cambodian forces. 4. Indiscriminate Attacks on Civilians and Protected Sites Thailand strongly condemns Cambodia's inhumane actions, including attacks on civilians, hospitals, and public facilities. These acts are considered serious violations of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, particularly: Article 18, which protects medical facilities Article 19, which protects the wounded and sick These attacks have caused immense suffering to innocent civilians. 5. Commitment to Peaceful Conflict Resolution Thailand reiterates its firm commitment to peaceful dispute resolution, clearly rejecting the use of force in resolving international conflicts. Thailand urges Cambodia to immediately cease its hostile actions and return to sincere negotiations. Thailand also expresses its readiness to engage in existing bilateral negotiation mechanisms, such as the Joint Boundary Commission (JBC), which is scheduled to meet in early September 2025, to resolve remaining territorial disputes. - The Nation/ANN
The Star
43 minutes ago
- The Star
Thai-Cambodia conflict: Wisma Putra told to provide updates on potential ceasefire, says Fahmi
PUTRAJAYA: Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has instructed Wisma Putra to monitor developments in the escalating border conflict between Thailand and Cambodia following positive signals from both countries regarding the possibility of a ceasefire. Communications Minister Datuk Fahmi Fadzil, who is also the Madani Government spokesman, said the matter is in line with Malaysia's role as the Asean Chair for 2025. Fahmi said Anwar informed the Cabinet that he had contacted Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Thailand's Acting Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai on Thursday (July 24) regarding the issue. 'At this point, there is a willingness from both sides to announce a ceasefire, and we are awaiting their statements. 'Following this, the Prime Minister has asked Wisma Putra to examine the situation and provide updates on the outcome of discussions between Thailand and Cambodia,' he said at his weekly press conference here on Friday (July 25). Media reports stated that Thai and Cambodian troops clashed on Thursday in a disputed border area, with both sides accusing each other of triggering the latest confrontation. Tensions between the two Southeast Asian nations have escalated since May 28 following a bloody incident in the Preah Vihear area, which claimed the life of a Cambodian soldier. The two countries have been at odds over an 817km undemarcated border for decades, and the dispute continues to strain diplomatic ties. Last Wednesday, the Thai government downgraded diplomatic relations with Cambodia after a Thai soldier was injured by a landmine, which Thailand alleged was recently planted in the area. Cambodia later retaliated by downgrading its diplomatic relations with Thailand to the lowest level. – Bernama
