A handful of states feel the biggest brunt of Trump's tariffs
The big picture: Who pays for tariffs is a long-settled issue — American businesses do, to the tune of billions of dollars, in places like California and Texas especially.
Driving the news: Economic research firm Trade Partnership Worldwide shared a new analysis with Axios showing the state-by-state cost of tariffs imposed by Trump from January through May.
These are presidential tariffs — that is, tariffs imposed by Trump rather than Congress, mostly this term but some dating to his first term.
By the numbers: From January 1 to May 31 of this year, California faced a tariff impact of $11.3 billion, by far the highest in the country.
Texas was a distant second at $6 billion, followed by Michigan at $3.3 billion.
In total, in 17 states companies faced a total impact of at least $1 billion over the first five months of the year.
At the other end, 11 states had a burden of less than $100 million, with the smallest hits to Wyoming and Alaska at just over $16 million each.
The intrigue: The burden crosses political boundaries, too — more than half of the most-impacted states voted for Trump in the last election.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Boston Globe
14 minutes ago
- Boston Globe
Democrats see Trump's big bill as key to their comeback. It may not be so easy.
Indeed, in political battlegrounds across Alaska and Iowa, Pennsylvania and California, Democrats have already begun to use Trump's bill to bludgeon their Republican rivals. Democrats are promising that the package — Trump's biggest domestic policy achievement to date — will be the defining issue of every major election between now and next fall's high-stakes midterms. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up 'One thing is abundantly clear: Republicans own this mess and it's an albatross around their necks heading into the midterms,' Democratic National Committee Chair Ken Martin told The Associated Press. 'This is the least popular legislation in modern history, and the more voters learn about it, the more they hate it. That's a clear directive for Democrats -- we're going to make sure every single voter knows who is responsible.' Advertisement Even with early public opinion on their side, however, it's far from certain that the Republican budget bill will be the political winner Democrats hope. Advertisement The Democratic brand remains deeply unpopular, the party has no clear leader, its message is muddled and core elements of the Democratic base are frustrated and drifting. Some of the bill's changes won't take effect until after the 2026 midterms, so voters may not have felt the full impact by the time they vote. At the same time, it's unclear how many voters are paying attention to the Washington-based debate. The Democratic super PAC Priorities USA warned this week that Democrats must work harder if they want their message to break through the polarized media environment. 'We can't just assume that because we're angry that the voters that we need to communicate with are angry. Everyone needs to step up and realize the enormous challenge that's in front of us,' Executive Director Danielle Butterfield said. 'We're nowhere near a good starting place.' At its core, the bill's priority is $4.5 trillion in tax breaks enacted in Trump's first term that would expire if Congress failed to act, along with new ones. This includes allowing workers to deduct tips and overtime pay. The package includes $1.2 trillion in cutbacks to Medicaid and food stamps and a massive rollback of green energy investments. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimates the package will add $3.3 trillion to the deficit over the decade. Democrats in Congress were united against the bill, and even some Republicans expressed concerns. But ultimately, Trump persuaded the conservative holdouts to fall in line. Democrats' challenge on display Privately, some Democrats conceded that Republicans were smart to pass the bill on the eve of a holiday weekend when fewer voters would be paying attention. And as some Democrats in Washington predicted a fierce political backlash across America, the response was somewhat muted Thursday at a Democratic event in Iowa, barely 10 miles from the Iowa State Fairgrounds where Trump later drew thousands for an evening rally. Advertisement An audience of roughly 100 people listened as local Democratic officials railed against the legislation and called on voters to oust Republican Rep. Zach Nunn, the local congressman, for supporting it. Audience member Michael Rieck, 69, said Iowa Democrats left him a message about the rally, but when he went online to learn more, 'there was nothing.' 'I texted back to them that I didn't see any advertisement,' he said. 'They slowly corrected that. I'm still not impressed with what they did to advertise this event.' Rieck said he wants to see different factions of the party better coordinate their message. Meanwhile, progressive activists were moving through Minnesota in a big green bus as part of Fair Share America's 29-stop 'stop the billionaire giveaway' tour. The group is focused on Republican-led congressional districts where elected officials have largely stopped having in-person town halls with constituents. Fair Share Executive Director Kristen Crowell said the crowds, even some Trump supporters, have been receptive. Still, she acknowledged many people don't know what's in the bill. 'We know we're fighting upstream,' she said. 'But when people hear exactly what's in this bill, they're adamantly opposed. I mean, I can tell you, in 17 stops, I've not had one person come up to me and say, 'You are on the wrong side of this.'' What the polls say The GOP's bill is generally unpopular, according to polling conducted throughout the month of June, although some individual provisions are popular. Advertisement For example, a Washington Post/Ipsos poll found that majorities of U.S. adults support increasing the annual child tax credit and eliminating taxes on earnings from tips, and about half support work requirements for some adults who receive Medicaid. On the other hand, the poll found that majorities oppose reducing federal funding for food assistance to low-income families and spending about $45 billion to build and maintain migrant detention centers. The price tag could be a sticking point. About 6 in 10 U.S. adults in the poll said it was 'unacceptable' that the bill is expected to increase the U.S. national debt, currently at $36 trillion, by about $3 trillion over the next decade. But polling indicates that most Americans aren't paying attention to the nuances of the bill, either. The Washington Post/Ipsos poll found that only about one-third of U.S. adults have heard 'a great deal' or 'a good amount' about it. Democrats are planning a summer of organizing The Democratic National Committee and its allies plan an 'organizing summer' that will feature town halls, training and voter registration drives in at least 35 competitive congressional districts. The message will be focused heavily on Trump's bill. Democratic groups also are expected to unveil a new round of digital attack ads targeting vulnerable Republicans in the coming days. Kansas Gov. Laura Kelly, who leads the Democratic Governors Association, said her party must keep the bill's contents at the forefront of people's minds to ensure it's an issue in the 2026 midterm elections — and even the next presidential election in 2028. 'We'll just have to keep that on the radar,' she said. Meanwhile, progressive groups are planning a 'Family First' day of action for July 26 in all 50 states. They'll highlight vulnerable Americans hurt by the new Medicaid cuts and hold a 60-hour vigil at the U.S. Capitol. Advertisement 'Because people call Medicaid something different in every state, a lot of people didn't realize — until this very moment — that their health care was at stake,' said one of the Family First organizers, Ai-jen Poo, president of the National Domestic Workers Alliance. 'We have made a promise to each other and to future generations that there will be a safety net in place when we need it. And this is what's being ripped away. And people will not stand for it.' Peoples reported from New York. AP writers Amelia Thomson DeVeaux in Washington; John Hanna in Topeka, Kansas; and Marc Levy in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, contributed.
Washington Post
23 minutes ago
- Washington Post
Trump wants to celebrate 250 years of independence with a UFC fight at the White House
DES MOINES, Iowa — President Donald Trump said Thursday that he's thinking of staging a UFC match on the White House grounds with upwards 20,000 spectators to celebrate 250 years of American independence. 'We have a lot of land there,' said Trump, a UFC enthusiast who has attended several of its mixed martial arts matches in recent months and is close friends with Dana White , the league's president.
Boston Globe
25 minutes ago
- Boston Globe
In 1775 and today, an elusive American unity
'It is hoped,' Washington continued, 'that all distinctions of colonies will be laid aside, so that one and the same spirit may animate the whole, and the only contest be who shall render, on this great and trying occasion, the most essential service to the great and common cause in which we are all engaged.' Those orders — a plea, really — still resonate 250 years later as American politics have become fractured and polarized. The country is split along regional, racial, and cultural lines; divided by President Trump's aggressive policies; and at odds over what the nation is, was, and should be. Advertisement 'I find it horrifying to hear people talk about having blue states secede, red states secede,' said Robert Allison, a Suffolk University history professor and chair of Revolution 250, a Massachusetts nonprofit group. Advertisement 'This is something that Washington understood, that Lincoln understood, that the liberties we have are something that we need to be unified for. Otherwise, the states will be at war with each other.' In July 1775, many soldiers and their families hoped that peace would prevail, and that Britain would once again permit the extraordinary level of self-government that many American Colonists, particularly in New England, had enjoyed for well over a century. Major General Artemas Ward's orderly book for July 2 to 4, 1775, which contains General George Washington's call for Colonial unity. Massachusetts Historical Society In camp, regional tensions would flare among the troops, few of whom had ever traveled far from their homes. And as the war progressed, they would encounter different religious beliefs, differing tastes, and different ideas about class and society. Still, with his orders, 'It's getting the important thing right from the beginning: This effort won't survive without everyone pulling in the same direction,' said Peter Drummey, chief historian at the Massachusetts Historical Society, founded in 1791. 'Washington understood that, at least in part, his appointment is the representation of that.' As the war progressed, the notion of a common 'American' purpose began to take hold: a revolutionary democracy built on the rule of law; a great nation bound by principles of fairness and equality, although not for the enslaved; and a government of public service elected by and accountable to its citizens. That Washington was a Virginian was a demonstration by the Continental Congress that beleaguered Boston was not alone, and that fighting for self-determination resonated beyond New England. Advertisement The George Washington statue in the Boston Public Garden in April. David L. Ryan/Globe Staff 'The separateness of the different Colonies is what they're trying to overcome' with Washington's appointment, Drummey said. 'I think almost everyone in the army thought of themselves as a Virginian or Bay Stater or wherever else they were from.' 'It's almost like they were fighting a war as if they were NATO countries under a NATO commander,' he added. And what the new commander saw in Cambridge 'horrified' him, Allison said. To his genteel Virginian eyes, New England troops were dirty, undisciplined, and averse to taking orders from someone they didn't know. There also were far fewer of them than he had expected. 'Saying Washington was not particularly impressed is putting it mildly,' Allison said. But for the rank-and-file troops, the arrival of an upper-class, well-dressed, slave-holding Southerner to lead them must have been startling. 'They've had other generals, other officers, and who's this new guy?' Allison said of Washington. 'But this call for unity, it's almost the first thing he says.' The war dragged on for eight more years, shifting to New York after the British evacuated Boston in March 1776, to New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and finally to the Carolinas and Virginia before a peace treaty was signed in 1783. But what Washington understood at the very beginning, Allison said, was a far-sighted foreshadowing of the need for national cohesion. What Washington managed to do in 'an extraordinary couple of sentences' in his orders, Allison added, was lay the framework for an epic fight that would prove longer and larger than most of his soldiers must have imagined. Mark DiSalvo, the North Andover town moderator and president of the Massachusetts Moderators Association, said that broadening one's allegiances beyond community or county boundaries would have been remarkable in Revolutionary times. Advertisement 'It was really hard to communicate, and you were narrow in your view,' DiSalvo said. 'You knew your neighbors, and you came to church, which became the town meetinghouse.' Town Meeting helped provide the spark for Revolution, DiSalvo said, as the defense of a free, local government became part of the provincial response, which also became absorbed in the broader Colonial debate. 'At first, it was what many people are fighting for today — in effect, due process,' added DiSalvo, who has encouraged moderators across the state this year to note the role of Town Meeting in the rebellion. But unity could be fleeting, even in the newly victorious nation. Massachusetts, the birthplace of the Revolution, summoned barely enough votes to ratify the Constitution. Local and state governments were deemed by many to be the best, most relevant means of legislating for one's neighbors. Federal law that benefited Georgia, say, might not necessarily be good for Massachusetts. And the contentious question of slavery, a subject of fierce debate at the Constitutional Convention, threatened ratification in an ominous taste of the great conflict that lay ahead. 'Even patriotic people who fought in the Revolution were not convinced that a federal government at a distance was the way forward,' Drummey said. For Washington, the concept of national unity remained important long after he issued his general orders in Cambridge, Allison said. Before his two terms were completed, bitter partisan battles over the scope and power of the federal government had crept into American politics. 'Washington will continue talking about this. It's a constant theme through his life and US history,' he added. Advertisement After 250 years, its relevance persists, and today's notion of what 'American' means has continued to evolve, just as it did at the dawn of the Revolution. 'How we define that is not as clear-cut as it seemed to be a relatively short time ago,' Drummey said. 'To some extent, the idea of what it means to be American is still being contested.' Brian MacQuarrie can be reached at
