
Japanese lawmaker under fire over Noto quake gaffe
Tsuruho, a member of the House of Councilors from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), said in a campaign speech in the city of Wakayama on Tuesday, "It was lucky that the earthquake occurred in Noto." Tsuruho apparently tried to say the government's moves to allow people to go through administrative procedures outside their area of residence were accelerated after the Noto earthquake.
The chairman of the Upper House Budget Committee later on Tuesday withdrew the remarks and apologized.
Speaking at a news conference in Wakayama on Wednesday, Tsuruho reiterated his apology and said, "I lacked consideration for the disaster-hit areas." He denied any plans to leave the LDP or resign as lawmaker.
Yoshihiko Noda, leader of the main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan, criticized Tsuruho's remarks, while speaking to reporters in the city of Aomori on Wednesday.
"This was unbelievable. It was beyond a slip of the tongue. He must deeply apologize to the people of Noto," Noda said.
Tsuruho should decide his own fate, Noda said. "He has to take seriously how the public sees him."
Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Keiichiro Tachibana said at a news conference in Tokyo: "It's important to stay close to the feelings of victims. No one should ever trample on them."
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Japan Times
29 minutes ago
- Japan Times
As China advances and the U.S. retreats, Japan-India ties grow stronger
At a summit in Washington earlier this month, foreign ministers from 'the Quad' nations of Australia, India, Japan and the U.S. agreed to work together to ensure a stable supply of critical minerals and released the following joint statement: 'We are committed to a region where all countries are free from coercion and strongly oppose any unilateral actions that seek to change the status quo by force or coercion.' The Quad diplomats were, of course, referring to China's growing economic and military ambitions in the Indo-Pacific region and its gray-zone threats in the South China and East China seas. But 'coercion' is also an accurate description of U.S. President Donald Trump's aggressive trade policies in the region and insistence, as with NATO in Europe, that the nations of the Indo-Pacific increase their military spending and take more responsibility for their own defense. In this environment, bilateral India-Japan relations are more important than ever. Located on two ends of the Indo-Pacific region, India and Japan are pivotal to shaping a stable and viable counterweight to Chinese ambitions and the volatility of Trump's second term. Both countries possess a strategic heft that makes them invaluable to any Indo-Pacific strategy and have a record of success in regional coalition building and strategic autonomy to advance their own shared interests, whether in the Indo-Pacific or Southeast Asia. India-Japan relations have a nuanced history, including collaboration between Japanese forces and the Indian National Army, an Indian nationalist military force allied with Tokyo, in World War II. Former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's first articulation of the 'Indo-Pacific' took place in New Delhi in a speech to the Indian Parliament on the 'Confluence of the Two Seas' in 2007, when he spoke of how 'the Pacific and Indian Oceans are now bringing about a dynamic coupling as seas of freedom and prosperity.' In addition to the Quad, both Japan and India are members of a clutch of ASEAN-led regional bodies, the Group of 20 and the Group of Four, which is seeking a seat in a reformed U.N. Security Council. In addition to forming the Quad in 2007, India and Japan's contemporary history is built on a robust relationship anchored in the 2011 India-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement and the India-Japan Special Strategic and Global Partnership of 2014. These partnerships sprung from three significant events a decade earlier. First, after years of investing heavily in China, the country's 2005 anti-Japanese riots led to a shift of focus toward India. Second, given Japan's special postwar relationship with the U.S., the Indo-U.S. Civil Nuclear Agreement, announced in July 2005, was necessary for the growth of ties with India. And third, the arrival in Japan of more outward-looking prime ministers like Junichiro Koizumi (2001-2006) and Shinzo Abe (2012-2020) led to deeper diplomatic relations. Moreover, Japan has played a significant role in India's development with nearly $60 billion worth of Official Development Assistance loans, grants and technical cooperation since 2000. This includes around $2 billion for Northeast India through which Japan seeks to forge links to Southeast Asia, where it not only provides oda, but its foreign direct investment is double that of China. Japanese money has helped build the Delhi and Chennai Metros, the Western Dedicated Freight Corridor, the Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor and other roads, bridges and bypasses. Another prestige project Japan is undertaking is the high-speed rail corridor between Ahmedabad and Mumbai. Indeed, FDI from Japan has increased steadily and it is now the fourth-largest investor in the country. Military cooperation is also increasing. In 2004, the Indian, U.S. and Japanese navies came together to provide humanitarian assistance after the devastation caused by the Indian Ocean tsunami. In 2007, at the suggestion of Abe, the Quad was formed. That same year, Japan began to participate in the Indo-U.S. Malabar naval exercises. Japan's Self-Defense Forces have now been participating in it regularly since 2014 after it developed a sharper Indo-Pacific focus. Greater defense cooperation makes sense. India's entire border with China is disputed and remains unsettled — largely due to Chinese mendacity. Today, a rising China flexes its muscles and prioritizes national security; it rubs up against Japan in the Senkaku Islands and its neighbors in the East and South China seas, as well as the Himalayas. Meanwhile, the first Trump administration sounded a warning bell for Japan, signaling a more transactional relationship with the U.S. As a result, in December 2022 Japan announced that it would double its defense expenditure to 2% of gross domestic product and also acquire military capabilities it had previously avoided, such as long-range Tomahawk cruise missiles. It also announced plans to sharply enhance its cybercapabilities, satellites and unmanned aerial- and maritime-systems to support counterstrikes. Structural changes were made to the higher command of the Japanese military and it reached out to the U.K. and Australia for defense-enhanced ties. January 2023 also saw the first time Indian fighter aircraft landed in Japan for a joint military exercise, Veer Guardian. India remains leery of military alliances, but in May Tokyo and New Delhi agreed to organize a new defense cooperation consultation body, and there is considerable scope for bilateral ties in that area. Though both collaborate with the U.S. and see it as a vital balancer of China in terms of security, they also need to hedge against Trump's mercurial ways. In the past, India and Japan have made attempts to work together in areas like long-range amphibious aircraft. New Delhi had at one time also sought information on possibly making Japan's Soryu-class submarines in India but, for a variety of reasons, no deal materialized. Currently, there is an important agreement between Japan and India to transfer and co-develop advanced naval stealth technologies such as the Unified Complex Radio Antenna mast for warships and submarines. The two countries also have an agreement to jointly develop an advanced underwater surveillance system and other maritime technology to enhance their deterrence capacity in the Pacific and Indian oceans. The potential for expanding joint production of defense equipment that would leverage Japan's advanced technology with India's manufacturing capacity has barely been touched. Another focus, which overlaps the Quad relationship, is building economic resilience through supply-chain diversification in areas like semiconductors and rare earths. There is considerable scope to deepen their Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement by boosting trade and investment that will counter U.S. tariff threats and Chinese economic coercion. The two also need to put more energy into their 2017 idea of creating an Asia-Africa growth corridor. Crucial to stronger India-Japan ties are the high-level 'two-plus-two' meetings between the nations' defense and foreign ministers, the last of which took place last August in New Delhi. At that meeting the two sides agreed to enhance cooperation 'to reflect contemporary priorities and be responsive to contemporary security challenges facing them.' Those same challenges — emanating from both Beijing and Washington — will no doubt be high on the agenda next month during Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's scheduled visit to Japan. Manoj Joshi, a journalist and distinguished fellow at the Observer Research Foundation in New Delhi, is former political editor of The Times of India and the author, most recently, of 'Understanding the India-China Border: The Enduring Threat of War in High Himalaya' (2022).


Yomiuri Shimbun
2 hours ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Lack of Japan-U.S. Trade Deal Document Causes Worry; 2 Govts Put Differing Spins on Details of Agreement
Concerns are mounting after it became apparent that there is no joint document outlining the tariff agreement between Japan and the United States that was reached in negotiations with the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump. The Japanese government has stated that it does not plan to create such a document in the future. However, the absence of such a document has already revealed discrepancies in explanations and perceptions between Japan and the United States, potentially fueling future disputes. At a press conference on Tuesday, economic revitalization minister Ryosei Akazawa, who led the Japanese delegation in the Japan-U.S. trade negotiations, emphasized, 'We want to see tariff reductions implemented quickly, rather than focusing on creating an agreement document.' His comment stems from concerns that a lengthy process to create a formal agreement document could delay the implementation of the Japan-U.S. accord. Fearing the agreement's terms could be overturned — particularly the auto tariff reductions Trump had already approved — a Japanese government official stated: 'If we were to create a document, we would need President Trump's approval. Japan might also face new demands, and that would open a whole new can of worms.' However, the United States has agreed to a trade deal with the United Kingdom and is expected to issue a joint statement over trade agreements with the European Union. In contrast, with no formal agreement document, Japan and the United States each released their own summaries, which revealed discrepancies in their explanations and understandings of the agreement. Trump asserted that Japan would invest $550 billion (about ¥81 trillion) in the United States, and the United States would retain 90% of the profits from this investment. Meanwhile, Japan clarified that this sum represents merely a 'framework' encompassing investments, loans and loan guarantees by government-affiliated financial institutions. Akazawa further specified that direct equity investment would account for only 'about 1%-2% of the $550 billion,' suggesting that the investment risk for Japan is minimal. Regarding auto tariffs, a key Japanese priority in the tariff negotiations, Japan emphasizes the reduction from 25% to 15%. However, this reduction is not explicitly stated in the public documents released by the United States. The United States also explicitly stated that Japan would purchase 100 Boeing aircraft, as well as make additional annual purchases of U.S. defense equipment, totaling billions of dollars. However, a Japanese government official countered, 'Many of these purchases are already planned, so there are almost no new ones.' 'We plan to introduce them, taking into account the airlines' existing purchase plans,' said Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Minister Hiromasa Nakano at a press conference after the Cabinet meeting on Tuesday. In reality, both Japan and the United States are offering explanations that favor their own countries, which has raised concerns among observers about the absence of a formal document. 'It is unthinkable not to create a document during negotiations,' asserted Meisei University Prof. Masahiko Hosokawa. The former Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry official, who has experience with U.S. negotiations, added: 'If Japan leaves the U.S. side's self-serving interpretations, such as those concerning investment in the United States, unchallenged, it will be taken as tacit acceptance, which could lead to future friction and risks.' Takahide Kiuchi, an executive economist at Nomura Research Institute Ltd., emphasized the importance of a formal document for transparency, citing the risk of compromising national interests. 'Even if clarifying the detailed framework reveals discrepancies between the two countries that could lead to the collapse of the agreement, a formal document should still be created,' he said.


Japan Times
2 hours ago
- Japan Times
Ruling and opposition parties agree to scrap provisional gas tax by year-end
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