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‘I thought the rebels were going to kill me. Then I saw my younger brother was among them'

‘I thought the rebels were going to kill me. Then I saw my younger brother was among them'

Irish Times3 days ago
The soldier was hungry and strung out on meth. Rebel fighters were attacking his base, just as a military helicopter had dropped food and ammunition for his battalion. After one package landed outside the garrison walls, he was ordered to go retrieve it.
However, the rebels got there first and seized the soldier, Cpl Thein Htay Aung of the
Myanmar
army, and four others with him, along with rice, instant noodles, cigarettes and bullets.
Their hands tied, the prisoners were marched to the rebel camp. The corporal expected the worst. Instead, he was shocked to see his little brother standing among the rebels.
'I thought they were going to kill me right there on the road,' Thein (38) said after his capture in February. 'But when I saw my younger brother, I felt a huge sense of relief. I suddenly felt so happy, because I wasn't going to die after all.'
READ MORE
In a video of the brothers taken that day, the corporal's hands are still tied, and he appears dazed by his sudden change in circumstances. His brother, Ko Tike Moung (30), a rebel fighter, drapes his arm over him and beams with joy. He does the talking.
'Meeting like this makes me happy but also sad,' he said. 'Still, it's fortunate that we're both alive and we can talk to each other like this.'
For more than four years, a brutal civil war has consumed Myanmar, killing tens of thousands of people and displacing millions. The conflict, set off by a military coup, has torn apart many families with combatants on both sides. But it is rare for brothers to come face to face amid the fighting.
Thein was captured by the Danu People's Liberation Army. Its founder and commander, Tun Tun Naing, recognised the panic on the corporal's face as he reached the rebel camp.
'Our soldier's brother was shaking with fear, worried that we might harm him,' he said. 'This is because in their army, prisoners of war are usually executed, so they assume we will do the same. But we don't treat prisoners of war that way.'
Despite lacking a central command, resistance forces have seized large stretches of territory, overrun numerous military bases and taken tens of thousands of junta prisoners. They say they treat captives humanely, as laid out by the Geneva conventions. Though there have been reports of rebels executing POWs, defectors from the military say the junta does so far more commonly.
Myanmar soldiers take part in a parade to mark the country's Armed Forces Day. Photograph: STR/AFP/Getty
Forced to Enlist
Thein, the third of six children and the older of two boys, never wanted to be a soldier.
His father died when he was young. His mother made a living selling fruits and vegetables in the town of Budalin in central Myanmar. Thein left school after the fourth grade. His brother, Tike, the youngest sibling, made it through the eighth grade.
When Thein was 18, he stayed out late one night. Soldiers grabbed him off the street, threw him into a truck and drove him to a military camp 80 miles away. There, they forced him to enlist.
He deserted twice, he said, but was recaptured both times, spending a total of a year in prison, where he was beaten and kicked as punishment. He was frequently ordered into combat against armed ethnic groups the military has long fought and kept looking for a chance to surrender without being killed.
[
In war-torn nations, Trump's travel ban brings a new hardship
Opens in new window
]
Trained to fire artillery, he was transferred to a base in Shan state in the territory of the Danu people, one of Myanmar's smallest ethnic groups.
On top of his combat duties, he was given the smelly job of tending to the pigs his unit raised for food.
Ultimately, he spent 20 years – his entire adult life – in the army.
'I was never happy in the military,' he said by phone from the prison camp where he has been held since his capture.
State soldiers and police in Rakhine state, Myanmar. Photograph: Ye Aung Thu/AFP/Getty
When Thein was first taken by the military, his mother, Shwe Mi, and siblings searched for him. Three years passed before they received a letter from him saying he had been forcibly conscripted and was stationed at a base in the town of Naung Cho.
A few years later, his mother and the two youngest siblings moved there to be close to him. Tike was about 15. Thein started sending them money every month.
Then in 2021, the military, which has ruled Myanmar for most of its postcolonial history,
seized power back from a newly elected civilian government
that had won in a landslide.
News of the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar newspapers. Photograph: Aung Kyaw Htet/SOPA Images/LightRocket/Getty
Millions took to the streets
in protest
, and millions more joined a nationwide civil disobedience movement that crippled government institutions and disrupted the economy.
Tike joined the protests and begged his brother to desert the army and join, too. Their mother also urged him to switch sides. But Thein refused.
The brothers didn't speak again. The monthly payments stopped.
After the military crushed peaceful demonstrations by killing hundreds of protesters, many opponents of the regime fled to the countryside and joined armed groups. Clashes between junta troops and rebel forces erupted in many parts of the country, including Shan state.
Anti-coup protesters flee from military forces during a demonstration in Yangon, Myanmar, in 2021. Photograph: AP
Tike, his mother and youngest sister fled from village to village to escape the fighting. In 2022, he enlisted in the newly formed Danu People's Liberation Army, one of about 500 rebel groups fighting to overthrow the regime.
Before Tike left home, his mother told him, 'If you ever meet your brother in battle, do what you must.'
High on meth
In Naung Cho, not far from the Danu rebels' camp, Thein was stationed at Artillery Command Headquarters 902.
Since September, the base has largely been cut off by resistance forces, making delivery of supplies by road risky. Military helicopters airdrop food and ammunition, but supplies often land outside the base, creating opportunities for the rebels.
[
In Myanmar, accounts of disappearances create climate of fear
Opens in new window
]
The rebels got one such opening in early February. They were attacking the garrison when Thein and four other soldiers were sent to retrieve the parcel just outside the garrison's wall. Not realising how near the rebel fighters were, the soldiers ventured out without weapons and were seized by Danu guerrillas.
That day, Thein said, he was high on meth, as he was most of his time in the army.
Meth was plentiful in the military, he said. Senior officers regularly sold soldiers meth tablets, known as yaba ('crazy medicine' in Thai), or 'WY' after the lettering on the pills. Before a battle, officers would hand them out free.
It helped turn the soldiers into ruthless killing machines.
'When we use yaba, we lose our sense of awareness and just follow orders without question,' Thein said. 'Even when people were dying right in front of me in battle, I didn't feel fear. I just pushed forward over the dead bodies and kept fighting. Looking back now, it's terrifying. It's clear that I wasn't in a normal mental state.'
'How Is Mother?'
Tike didn't know that his brother had been captured until the prisoners were brought into camp.
After their reunion, he helped treat superficial wounds Thein had sustained.
'Even though he's an enemy soldier,' Tike said, 'he's still my brother.'
At the time, Thein had few words for him.
'When we reunited, I asked him about his army, but he didn't say anything,' Tike said. 'He only asked, 'How is Mother?''
But having now spent time among the rebels, Thein respects his little brother's decision.
'He made the right choice in joining the resistance,' Thein said.
He is one of about 40 prisoners of war being held at a former military base the rebels captured in September. Some captives have joined the Danu army to fight against the junta, the rebel commander said.
Myanmar's military retook power from a newly elected civilian government on February 1st, 2021. Photograph: STR/AFP/Getty
Thein, who remains a captive, said his living conditions are much better now. He is housed in a brick building and required to work about three hours a day tending aubergines, mustard greens, roselle and cabbage. The prisoners take turns cooking for themselves.
'Here, they feed us properly, just like they eat, so I'm eating well now,' he said. 'In the army, there were days when we only ate if the officers had leftovers. Sometimes we didn't eat at all.'
His 72-year-old mother has come to visit twice, and the camp doctor has been helping him overcome his meth addiction.
'I no longer use meth, but I'm experiencing extreme fatigue, sleep disturbances and anxiety,' Thein said. 'The worst part is feeling emotionally flat and being unable to sleep.'
Many of his former comrades in the army want to surrender, he said. They fear death, even though the military trains soldiers to believe that dying in battle is noble.
'My wish to surrender has come true,' Thein said. 'I never wanted to be a soldier. I feel ashamed of ever having been one.' – This article originally appeared in
The New York Times
.
2025 The New York Times Company
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‘I thought the rebels were going to kill me. Then I saw my younger brother was among them'
‘I thought the rebels were going to kill me. Then I saw my younger brother was among them'

Irish Times

time3 days ago

  • Irish Times

‘I thought the rebels were going to kill me. Then I saw my younger brother was among them'

The soldier was hungry and strung out on meth. Rebel fighters were attacking his base, just as a military helicopter had dropped food and ammunition for his battalion. After one package landed outside the garrison walls, he was ordered to go retrieve it. However, the rebels got there first and seized the soldier, Cpl Thein Htay Aung of the Myanmar army, and four others with him, along with rice, instant noodles, cigarettes and bullets. Their hands tied, the prisoners were marched to the rebel camp. The corporal expected the worst. Instead, he was shocked to see his little brother standing among the rebels. 'I thought they were going to kill me right there on the road,' Thein (38) said after his capture in February. 'But when I saw my younger brother, I felt a huge sense of relief. I suddenly felt so happy, because I wasn't going to die after all.' READ MORE In a video of the brothers taken that day, the corporal's hands are still tied, and he appears dazed by his sudden change in circumstances. His brother, Ko Tike Moung (30), a rebel fighter, drapes his arm over him and beams with joy. He does the talking. 'Meeting like this makes me happy but also sad,' he said. 'Still, it's fortunate that we're both alive and we can talk to each other like this.' For more than four years, a brutal civil war has consumed Myanmar, killing tens of thousands of people and displacing millions. The conflict, set off by a military coup, has torn apart many families with combatants on both sides. But it is rare for brothers to come face to face amid the fighting. Thein was captured by the Danu People's Liberation Army. Its founder and commander, Tun Tun Naing, recognised the panic on the corporal's face as he reached the rebel camp. 'Our soldier's brother was shaking with fear, worried that we might harm him,' he said. 'This is because in their army, prisoners of war are usually executed, so they assume we will do the same. But we don't treat prisoners of war that way.' Despite lacking a central command, resistance forces have seized large stretches of territory, overrun numerous military bases and taken tens of thousands of junta prisoners. They say they treat captives humanely, as laid out by the Geneva conventions. Though there have been reports of rebels executing POWs, defectors from the military say the junta does so far more commonly. Myanmar soldiers take part in a parade to mark the country's Armed Forces Day. Photograph: STR/AFP/Getty Forced to Enlist Thein, the third of six children and the older of two boys, never wanted to be a soldier. His father died when he was young. His mother made a living selling fruits and vegetables in the town of Budalin in central Myanmar. Thein left school after the fourth grade. His brother, Tike, the youngest sibling, made it through the eighth grade. When Thein was 18, he stayed out late one night. Soldiers grabbed him off the street, threw him into a truck and drove him to a military camp 80 miles away. There, they forced him to enlist. He deserted twice, he said, but was recaptured both times, spending a total of a year in prison, where he was beaten and kicked as punishment. He was frequently ordered into combat against armed ethnic groups the military has long fought and kept looking for a chance to surrender without being killed. [ In war-torn nations, Trump's travel ban brings a new hardship Opens in new window ] Trained to fire artillery, he was transferred to a base in Shan state in the territory of the Danu people, one of Myanmar's smallest ethnic groups. On top of his combat duties, he was given the smelly job of tending to the pigs his unit raised for food. Ultimately, he spent 20 years – his entire adult life – in the army. 'I was never happy in the military,' he said by phone from the prison camp where he has been held since his capture. State soldiers and police in Rakhine state, Myanmar. Photograph: Ye Aung Thu/AFP/Getty When Thein was first taken by the military, his mother, Shwe Mi, and siblings searched for him. Three years passed before they received a letter from him saying he had been forcibly conscripted and was stationed at a base in the town of Naung Cho. A few years later, his mother and the two youngest siblings moved there to be close to him. Tike was about 15. Thein started sending them money every month. Then in 2021, the military, which has ruled Myanmar for most of its postcolonial history, seized power back from a newly elected civilian government that had won in a landslide. News of the February 2021 military coup in Myanmar newspapers. Photograph: Aung Kyaw Htet/SOPA Images/LightRocket/Getty Millions took to the streets in protest , and millions more joined a nationwide civil disobedience movement that crippled government institutions and disrupted the economy. Tike joined the protests and begged his brother to desert the army and join, too. Their mother also urged him to switch sides. But Thein refused. The brothers didn't speak again. The monthly payments stopped. After the military crushed peaceful demonstrations by killing hundreds of protesters, many opponents of the regime fled to the countryside and joined armed groups. Clashes between junta troops and rebel forces erupted in many parts of the country, including Shan state. Anti-coup protesters flee from military forces during a demonstration in Yangon, Myanmar, in 2021. Photograph: AP Tike, his mother and youngest sister fled from village to village to escape the fighting. In 2022, he enlisted in the newly formed Danu People's Liberation Army, one of about 500 rebel groups fighting to overthrow the regime. Before Tike left home, his mother told him, 'If you ever meet your brother in battle, do what you must.' High on meth In Naung Cho, not far from the Danu rebels' camp, Thein was stationed at Artillery Command Headquarters 902. Since September, the base has largely been cut off by resistance forces, making delivery of supplies by road risky. Military helicopters airdrop food and ammunition, but supplies often land outside the base, creating opportunities for the rebels. [ In Myanmar, accounts of disappearances create climate of fear Opens in new window ] The rebels got one such opening in early February. They were attacking the garrison when Thein and four other soldiers were sent to retrieve the parcel just outside the garrison's wall. Not realising how near the rebel fighters were, the soldiers ventured out without weapons and were seized by Danu guerrillas. That day, Thein said, he was high on meth, as he was most of his time in the army. Meth was plentiful in the military, he said. Senior officers regularly sold soldiers meth tablets, known as yaba ('crazy medicine' in Thai), or 'WY' after the lettering on the pills. Before a battle, officers would hand them out free. It helped turn the soldiers into ruthless killing machines. 'When we use yaba, we lose our sense of awareness and just follow orders without question,' Thein said. 'Even when people were dying right in front of me in battle, I didn't feel fear. I just pushed forward over the dead bodies and kept fighting. Looking back now, it's terrifying. It's clear that I wasn't in a normal mental state.' 'How Is Mother?' Tike didn't know that his brother had been captured until the prisoners were brought into camp. After their reunion, he helped treat superficial wounds Thein had sustained. 'Even though he's an enemy soldier,' Tike said, 'he's still my brother.' At the time, Thein had few words for him. 'When we reunited, I asked him about his army, but he didn't say anything,' Tike said. 'He only asked, 'How is Mother?'' But having now spent time among the rebels, Thein respects his little brother's decision. 'He made the right choice in joining the resistance,' Thein said. He is one of about 40 prisoners of war being held at a former military base the rebels captured in September. Some captives have joined the Danu army to fight against the junta, the rebel commander said. Myanmar's military retook power from a newly elected civilian government on February 1st, 2021. Photograph: STR/AFP/Getty Thein, who remains a captive, said his living conditions are much better now. He is housed in a brick building and required to work about three hours a day tending aubergines, mustard greens, roselle and cabbage. The prisoners take turns cooking for themselves. 'Here, they feed us properly, just like they eat, so I'm eating well now,' he said. 'In the army, there were days when we only ate if the officers had leftovers. Sometimes we didn't eat at all.' His 72-year-old mother has come to visit twice, and the camp doctor has been helping him overcome his meth addiction. 'I no longer use meth, but I'm experiencing extreme fatigue, sleep disturbances and anxiety,' Thein said. 'The worst part is feeling emotionally flat and being unable to sleep.' Many of his former comrades in the army want to surrender, he said. They fear death, even though the military trains soldiers to believe that dying in battle is noble. 'My wish to surrender has come true,' Thein said. 'I never wanted to be a soldier. I feel ashamed of ever having been one.' – This article originally appeared in The New York Times . 2025 The New York Times Company

Tunnel underneath a hospital in southern Gaza reveals death site of Hamas commander
Tunnel underneath a hospital in southern Gaza reveals death site of Hamas commander

Irish Times

time09-06-2025

  • Irish Times

Tunnel underneath a hospital in southern Gaza reveals death site of Hamas commander

Just over a metre wide and less than two metres tall, the tunnel led deep beneath a big hospital in southern Gaza Strip . The underground air bore the stench of what smelled like human remains. After walking about 40 metres along the tunnel, the likely cause became clear. In a tiny room to which the tunnel led, the floor was stained with blood. It was here, according to the Israel Defense Forces , that Mohammed Sinwar – one of Hamas' top militant commanders – was killed last month after a nearby barrage of Israeli strikes. What was in that dark and narrow tunnel is one of the war's biggest Rorschach tests, the embodiment of a broader narrative battle between Israelis and Palestinians over how the conflict should be portrayed. READ MORE The military escorted a reporter from the New York Times to the tunnel on Sunday afternoon, as part of a brief and controlled visit for international journalists that the Israelis hoped would prove that Hamas uses civilian infrastructure as a shield for militant activity. To Palestinians, Israel's attack on, and subsequent capture of, the hospital compound highlighted its own disregard for civilian activity. The room in which Muhammad Sinwar and four other militants is said to have died inside a tunnel in southern Gaza. To Israelis, the location of an underground passageway highlights Hamas's abuse of civilians but to Palestinians, Israel's decision to target it highlights Israel's own disregard for civilian life. Photograph: Patrick Kingsley/The New York Times Last month, the military ordered the hospital's staff and patients to leave the compound, a long with the residents of the surrounding neighbourhoods. Then, officials said, they bored a huge hole, about 10 metres deep, in a courtyard within the hospital grounds. Soldiers used that hole to gain access to the tunnel and retrieve Sinwar's body, and they later escorted journalists there so they could see what the military called his final hiding place. There are no known entrances to the tunnel within the hospital itself, so the journalists lowered themselves into the Israeli-made cavity using a rope. To join the controlled tour, the Times agreed not to photograph most soldiers' faces or publish geographic details that would put them in immediate danger. To the Israelis who brought us there, this hiding place – directly underneath the emergency department of the European Gaza Hospital – is emblematic of how Hamas has consistently endangered civilians, and broken international law, by directing its military operations from the cover of hospitals and schools. Hamas has also dug tunnels underneath Shifa Hospital in Gaza City and a United Nations complex elsewhere in that city. 'We were dragged by Hamas to this point,' Brig Gen Effie Defrin, the chief Israeli military spokesman, said at the hospital. 'If they weren't building their infrastructure under the hospitals, we wouldn't be here. We wouldn't attack this hospital.' Defrin said Israel had tried to minimise damage to the hospital by striking the area around its buildings, without a direct hit on the medical facilities themselves. 'The aim was not to damage the hospital and, as much as we could, to avoid collateral damage,' he said. Israeli soldiers stand in a hole used to gain access to a tunnel in southern Gaza where the Israeli military says a top Hamas militant commander was killed in the Gaza Strip. Photograph: Patrick Kingsley/The New York Times To the Palestinians who were forced from here, the Israeli attack on Sinwar embodied Israel's willingness to prioritise the destruction of Hamas over the protection of civilian life and infrastructure, particularly the health system. According to the World Health Organisation, Israel has conducted at least 686 attacks on health facilities in Gaza since the start of the Israel-Hamas war, damaging at least 33 of Gaza's 36 hospitals. Many, like the European Gaza Hospital, are now out of service, fuelling accusations from rights groups and foreign governments – strongly denied by the Israelis – that Israel is engaged in genocide, in part by wrecking the Palestinian health system. 'It's morally and legally unacceptable, but Israel thinks it is above the law,' Dr Salah al-Hams, the hospital spokesman, said in a phone interview from another part of southern Gaza. Although Israel targeted the periphery of the hospital site, leaving the hospital buildings standing, al-Hams said the strikes had wounded 10 people within the compound, damaged its water and sewage systems and dislodged part of its roof. The attack killed 23 people in buildings beyond its perimeter, he said, 17 more than were reported on the day. The tremors caused by the strikes were like an 'earthquake,' al-Hams said. Al-Hams said he had been unaware of any tunnels beneath the hospital. Even if they were there, he said, it does not justify the attack. 'Israel should have found other ways to eliminate any wanted commander. There were a thousand other ways to do it.' The journey to the hospital revealed much about the current dynamics of the war in Gaza. In a roughly 20-minute ride from the Israeli border, we saw no Palestinians – the result of Israel's decision to order the residents of southern Gaza to abandon their homes and head west to the sea. Many buildings were simply piles of rubble, destroyed either by Israeli strikes and demolitions or Hamas' booby traps. Here and there, some buildings survived, more or less intact; on one balcony, someone had left a tidy line of potted cactuses. We drove in open-top 4x4s, a sign that across this part of southeastern Gaza, the Israeli military no longer fears being ambushed by Hamas fighters. Until at least the Salah al-Din highway, the territory's main north-south artery, the Israeli military seemed to be in complete command after the expansion of its ground campaign in March. The European Gaza Hospital and the tunnel beneath it are among the places that now appear to be exclusively under Israeli control. Under the laws of war, a medical facility is considered a protected site that can be attacked only in very rare cases. If one side uses the site for military purposes, that may make it a legitimate target, but only if the risk to civilians is proportional to the military advantage created by the attack. The Israeli military said it had tried to limit harm to civilians by striking only around the edges of the hospital compound. But international legal experts said that any assessment of the strike's legality needed also to take into account its effect on the wider health system in southern Gaza. In a territory where many hospitals are already not operational, experts said, it is harder to find legal justification for strikes that put the remaining hospitals out of service, even if militants hide beneath them. When we entered the tunnel Sunday, we found it almost entirely intact. The crammed room where Sinwar and four fellow militants were said to have died was stained with blood, but its walls appeared undamaged. The mattresses, clothes and bedsheets did not appear to have been dislodged by the explosions, and an Israeli rifle – stolen earlier in the war, the soldiers said – dangled from a hook in the corner. It was not immediately clear how Sinwar was killed, and Defrin said he could not provide a definitive answer. He suggested that Sinwar and his allies may have suffocated in the aftermath of the strikes or been knocked over by a shock wave unleashed by explosions. If Sinwar was intentionally poisoned by gases released by such explosions, it would raise legal questions, experts on international law said. 'It would be an unlawful use of a conventional bomb – a generally lawful weapon – if the intent is to kill with the asphyxiating gases released by that bomb,' said Sarah Harrison, a former lawyer at the US Defence Department and an analyst at the International Crisis Group. Defrin denied any such intent. 'This is something that I have to emphasise here, as a Jew first and then as a human being: We don't use gas as weapons,' he said. In other tunnels discovered by the Israeli military, soldiers have used Palestinians as human shields, sending them on ahead to scour for traps. Defrin denied the practice. The tunnel was excavated by Israelis, he said. This article originally appeared in The New York Times .

Kerry farmer vows to keep popular walkway open despite thefts
Kerry farmer vows to keep popular walkway open despite thefts

Agriland

time06-06-2025

  • Agriland

Kerry farmer vows to keep popular walkway open despite thefts

A Kerry farmer and former world champion mountain runner said he is committed to keeping a popular walkway open to the public despite a series of thefts from his lands. John Lenihan lives in the parish of Ballymacelligott close to the Stacks Mountains where he farms suckler cattle. The Glanageenty looped walkway, which attracts thousands of people annually, is incorporated into part of his farm. Thefts The farmer told Agriland that he has unfortunately been the target of a number of thefts over the years, with the most recent incident involving electric fencing worth around €1,000 being taken. Last Sunday morning (June 1), John went to an out farm to check his cattle and move them to fresh grazing. 'I arrived and found in the first field I went to that the fence was gone. I thought that was bad enough but then when I went to the second part of the farm I discovered that was gone also and likewise the third fence. 'So there were three fences taken either Friday or Saturday night,' he said. Due to the nature of the terrain on John's farm, he has to invest in one of the strongest types of electric fencing on the market to ensure his animals are secured. The farmer said the theft of the fences posed a danger to the public as the cattle could have ended up straying onto the local road. The model of electric fence which was stolen from the farm This latest incident follows an expensive mains fence and a car trailer being taken from John's farmyard in March. Last year, pet goats which children would interact with while on the walkway were also stolen from the farm. 'You can go back further, we had a generator stolen, we also had electric fences stolen before. We had fencing poles for the walkway stolen. It's ongoing and it's frustrating,' John said. Walkway Along with being a farmer, Lenihan is a decorated athlete with both national and international titles to his name. One of the major highlights of his 40 years competing happened in 1991 when he was crowned the world mountain running champion in Switzerland. The inspiration to develop Glanageenty walkway came from John's friends who joined him for training over the years. 'It took them to point out the beauty of the area to me. I was born and bred there and I took it for granted. 'When the opportunity came to have a walkway created somewhere in Kerry, I felt that this area had the potential based on the comments from my own friends,' John said. Glanageenty looped walks in Co. Kerry Source: John Lenihan The Glanageenty walkway was made possible due to a partnership between Coillte and three local landowners; John Lenihan, Francie Lenihan and the Bernard family. 'We started off in 2008. It has been a work in progress since because it's growing in popularity and you have to move to incorporate the extra footfall. 'We've three loops there; the longest one is 10km and the shortest one is just over 3km so there's something there for everybody. 'You have a lot of history going back to the Civil War and all of that is incorporated within the loop. I think we're putting through close to 1,000 people a week there at the moment,' John said. Glanageenty walkway attracts thousands of people each year Source: John Lenihan John Lenihan strongly emphasised that he is not blaming the thefts on the walking community. 'There's an element of people who can come along and because there's a walkway there, they have a genuine excuse to be seen walking on my property and they're using that opportunity to observe what is there,' he said. 'If one was to close the walkway at this stage, you're giving into the small minority of bad people. 'There's a lot of genuine people out there who really appreciate Glanageenty walkways and many other walkways around the country. 'We don't want to leave the small minority of people win here. There's too many people enjoying these walkways. It's essential for mental and physical health for a lot of people. We'll fight tooth and nail to maintain the facility,' John added. The farmer has reported all of the incidents to local gardaí. In the meantime, he is actively considering options to further increase security on his lands. Anyone with any information in relation to the thefts is asked to contact Castleisland Garda Station on 066 714 1204, the Garda Confidential Line on 1800 666 111 or any garda station.

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