logo
President Trump should end Iran's endless war on the world

President Trump should end Iran's endless war on the world

The Hill20-06-2025

For more than 40 years, Iran has waged a relentless shadow war against the U.S., its allies, and the free world.
From the 1979 hostage crisis to its proxy terrorism, from nuclear brinkmanship to the chants of 'Death to America,' from cyberattacks to assassination plots, Tehran's aggression has been unyielding. Amid the clamor of diplomatic platitudes and partisan squabbles, a clear truth stands out: It is both a moral imperative and a cornerstone of American survival to end this endless war — not through appeasement, but through resolute strength.
Iran is not a regional irritant but a global predator. Its threats are not theoretical. It is the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism and it has American blood on its hands. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has fueled attacks through such proxies as Hezbollah, Hamas and the Houthis, killing hundreds of U.S. servicemembers — 603 in Iraq alone, according to a 2019 Pentagon report. Its militias target our bases, its assassins target our leaders, its cyber-assaults probe our infrastructure, and its leaders openly promise our destruction.
President Trump has full constitutional and statutory authority to respond to attacks against the U.S. without waiting for congressional permission. The War Powers Resolution of 1973 makes that clear. The 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force reinforces it. There is bipartisan agreement — even if it is selectively remembered.
Why trust Trump to end this threat? Because unlike the armchair critics obsessed with avoiding so-called 'endless wars,' Trump actually has a record of strategic restraint paired with decisive action, prioritizing targeted operations over prolonged engagements. For example, he hit the Houthis for six weeks, not six years.
He took on ISIS, dismantled its caliphate in two years, and walked away. He took out Qassem Soleimani — arguably the most dangerous terrorist on the planet at the time — and avoided the regional war that everyone said would follow. He did the same with Qasim al-Raymi, the leader of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. He pushed back on al-Shabaab in Somalia, and then exited on his own terms.
So Trump is not known to start wars. He responds to and ends threats — with precision, resolve and zero appetite for forever conflicts. That's not warmongering — that's peace through strength.
The stakes are escalating. Iran's imminent pursuit of nuclear weapons threatens to upend the Middle East. A nuclear-armed Tehran would spark a regional arms race, with Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Turkey racing to match it. Our troops in Qatar, Bahrain and Iraq would face immediate danger. Iran's terror networks, shielded by a nuclear deterrent, would strike with impunity.
Ending Iran's war on the world does not mean diving into another quagmire. It demands a strategy of strength: airtight sanctions, unwavering support for allies like Israel, and targeted measures to disrupt Iran's nuclear and terror networks.
Israel stands as our forward shield, delivering intelligence and military innovations like Iron Dome that bolster our own defenses. U.S. aid to Israel, spent on American defense jobs, is an investment in our security. To abandon this partnership is not restraint — it is folly.
Some argue for disengagement, claiming Iran's threats are someone else's burden. But when a regime targets our shores, isolationism is a delusion. An emboldened Iran would choke oil routes through the Strait of Hormuz, spiking prices and hitting American wallets. It would deepen ties with Russia, China and North Korea, forming an anti-Western axis.
Cyberattacks, terror plots and economic shocks would follow. Ignoring Iran doesn't neutralize it — it brings it closer to home.
Others push for endless diplomacy, as if words alone can sway a regime built on defiance. Negotiation has its place, but only when backed by unrelenting pressure. Weakness invites aggression; strength compels restraint. Iran, Russia and China are watching. If we falter, our global deterrence unravels, inviting conflicts far costlier than the resolve we muster today.
Ending Iran's endless war is the very essence of 'America First.' It means protecting our people, our prosperity and our principles by confronting a regime that has terrorized the world for too long. It means standing with allies who share our fight, not leaving them to face our mutual enemies alone. With Trump's proven resolve, we can act with the moral clarity to secure peace — not as a hope, but as a victory, won through courage and conviction.
But the clock is ticking. Iran's war on the world has raged for four decades. It is time to end it — not with wishful thinking, but with the strength that safeguards our future.
Mark Goldfeder is an international lawyer and a law professor at Touro University

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Senators prep for a weekend of work to meet Trump's deadline for passing his tax and spending cuts

time14 minutes ago

Senators prep for a weekend of work to meet Trump's deadline for passing his tax and spending cuts

WASHINGTON -- The Senate is expected to grind through a rare weekend session as Republicans race to pass President Donald Trump's package of tax breaks and spending cuts by his July Fourth deadline. Republicans are using their majorities in Congress to push aside Democratic opposition, but they have run into a series of political and policy setbacks. Not all GOP lawmakers are on board with proposals to reduce spending on Medicaid, food stamps and other programs as a way to help cover the cost of extending some $3.8 trillion in Trump tax breaks. The 940-page bill was released shortly before midnight Friday. Senators were expected to take a procedural vote Saturday to begin debate on the legislation, but the timing was uncertain and there is a long path ahead, with at least 10 hours of debate time and an all-night voting session on countless amendments. Senate passage could be days away, and the bill would need to return to the House for a final round of votes before it could reach the White House. 'It's evolving,' said Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., as he prepared to close up the chamber late Friday. The weekend session could be a make-or-break moment for Trump's party, which has invested much of its political capital on his signature domestic policy plan. Trump is pushing Congress to wrap it up, even as he sometimes gives mixed signals, allowing for more time. At recent events at the White House, including Friday, Trump has admonished the 'grandstanders' among GOP holdouts to fall in line. 'We can get it done,' Trump said in a social media post. 'It will be a wonderful Celebration for our Country.' The legislation is an ambitious but complicated series of GOP priorities. At its core, it would make permanent many of the tax breaks from Trump's first term that would otherwise expire by year's end if Congress fails to act, resulting in a potential tax increase on Americans. The bill would add new breaks, including no taxes on tips, and commit $350 billion to national security, including for Trump's mass deportation agenda. But the spending cuts that Republicans are relying on to offset the lost tax revenues are causing dissent within the GOP ranks. Some lawmakers say the cuts go too far, particularly for people receiving health care through Medicaid. Meanwhile, conservatives, worried about the nation's debt, are pushing for steeper cuts. Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., said he is concerned about the fundamentals of the package and will not support the procedural motion to begin debate. 'I'm voting no on the motion to proceed,' he said. Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., pushing for deeper cuts, said he needed to see the final legislative text. The release of that draft had been delayed as the Senate parliamentarian reviewed the bill to ensure it complied with the chamber's strict 'Byrd Rule,' named for the late Sen. Robert C. Byrd, It largely bars policy matters from inclusion in budget bills unless a provision can get 60 votes to overcome objections. That would be a tall order in a Senate with a 53-47 GOP edge and Democrats unified against Trump's bill. Republicans suffered a series of setbacks after several proposals were determined to be out of compliance by the chief arbiter of the Senate's rules. One plan would have shifted some food stamp costs from the federal government to the states; a second would have gutted the funding structure of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. But over the past days, Republicans have quickly revised those proposals and reinstated them. The final text includes a proposal for cuts to a Medicaid provider tax that had run into parliamentary objections and opposition from several senators worried about the fate of rural hospitals. The new version extends the start date for those cuts and establishes a $25 billion fund to aid rural hospitals and providers. Most states impose the provider tax as a way to boost federal Medicaid reimbursements. Some Republicans argue that is a scam and should be abolished. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office has said that under the House-passed version of the bill, some 10.9 million more people would go without health care and at least 3 million fewer would qualify for food aid. The CBO has not yet publicly assessed the Senate draft, which proposes steeper reductions. Top income-earners would see about a $12,000 tax cut under the House bill, while the poorest Americans would face a $1,600 tax increase, the CBO said. One unresolved issue remains the so-called SALT provision, a deduction for state and local taxes that has been a top priority of lawmakers from New York and other high-tax states. The cap is now $10,000. The White House and House Republicans had narrowed in on a plan for a $40,000 cap, but for five years instead of 10. Republican senators says that's too generous. At least one House GOP holdout, Rep. Nick LaLota of New York, said he cannot support the compromise. Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer of New York said Republicans are rushing to finish the bill before the public fully knows what's in it. 'There's no good reason for Republicans to chase a silly deadline,' Schumer said. House Speaker Mike Johnson, who sent his colleagues home for the weekend with plans to be on call to return to Washington, said they are 'very close' to finishing up. 'We would still like to meet that July Fourth, self-imposed deadline,' said Johnson, R-La. With the narrow Republicans majorities in the House and Senate, leaders need almost every lawmaker on board to ensure passage. Johnson and Thune have stayed close to the White House, relying on Trump to pressure holdout lawmakers.

Wind, Solar Credits Face Shorter Phase-Out in GOP's New Tax Bill
Wind, Solar Credits Face Shorter Phase-Out in GOP's New Tax Bill

Bloomberg

time14 minutes ago

  • Bloomberg

Wind, Solar Credits Face Shorter Phase-Out in GOP's New Tax Bill

Key tax incentives for US wind and solar projects would face a more aggressive phase-out in the Senate's latest version of President Donald Trump's spending package. The tweak, which follows pushback by Trump on the Inflation Reduction Act credits, would sharply limit the number of solar and wind farms that qualify for incentives, appeasing opponents while risking the ire of moderate members who argued for a slower phase-out.

Senators prep for a weekend of work to meet Trump's deadline for passing his tax and spending cuts
Senators prep for a weekend of work to meet Trump's deadline for passing his tax and spending cuts

The Hill

time18 minutes ago

  • The Hill

Senators prep for a weekend of work to meet Trump's deadline for passing his tax and spending cuts

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Senate is expected to grind through a rare weekend session as Republicans race to pass President Donald Trump's package of tax breaks and spending cuts by his July Fourth deadline. Republicans are using their majorities in Congress to push aside Democratic opposition, but they have run into a series of political and policy setbacks. Not all GOP lawmakers are on board with proposals to reduce spending on Medicaid, food stamps and other programs as a way to help cover the cost of extending some $3.8 trillion in Trump tax breaks. The 940-page bill was released shortly before midnight Friday. Senators were expected to take a procedural vote Saturday to begin debate on the legislation, but the timing was uncertain and there is a long path ahead, with at least 10 hours of debate time and an all-night voting session on countless amendments. Senate passage could be days away, and the bill would need to return to the House for a final round of votes before it could reach the White House. 'It's evolving,' said Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., as he prepared to close up the chamber late Friday. The weekend session could be a make-or-break moment for Trump's party, which has invested much of its political capital on his signature domestic policy plan. Trump is pushing Congress to wrap it up, even as he sometimes gives mixed signals, allowing for more time. At recent events at the White House, including Friday, Trump has admonished the 'grandstanders' among GOP holdouts to fall in line. 'We can get it done,' Trump said in a social media post. 'It will be a wonderful Celebration for our Country.' The legislation is an ambitious but complicated series of GOP priorities. At its core, it would make permanent many of the tax breaks from Trump's first term that would otherwise expire by year's end if Congress fails to act, resulting in a potential tax increase on Americans. The bill would add new breaks, including no taxes on tips, and commit $350 billion to national security, including for Trump's mass deportation agenda. But the spending cuts that Republicans are relying on to offset the lost tax revenues are causing dissent within the GOP ranks. Some lawmakers say the cuts go too far, particularly for people receiving health care through Medicaid. Meanwhile, conservatives, worried about the nation's debt, are pushing for steeper cuts. Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., said he is concerned about the fundamentals of the package and will not support the procedural motion to begin debate. 'I'm voting no on the motion to proceed,' he said. Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., pushing for deeper cuts, said he needed to see the final legislative text. The release of that draft had been delayed as the Senate parliamentarian reviewed the bill to ensure it complied with the chamber's strict 'Byrd Rule,' named for the late Sen. Robert C. Byrd, It largely bars policy matters from inclusion in budget bills unless a provision can get 60 votes to overcome objections. That would be a tall order in a Senate with a 53-47 GOP edge and Democrats unified against Trump's bill. Republicans suffered a series of setbacks after several proposals were determined to be out of compliance by the chief arbiter of the Senate's rules. One plan would have shifted some food stamp costs from the federal government to the states; a second would have gutted the funding structure of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. But over the past days, Republicans have quickly revised those proposals and reinstated them. The final text includes a proposal for cuts to a Medicaid provider tax that had run into parliamentary objections and opposition from several senators worried about the fate of rural hospitals. The new version extends the start date for those cuts and establishes a $25 billion fund to aid rural hospitals and providers. Most states impose the provider tax as a way to boost federal Medicaid reimbursements. Some Republicans argue that is a scam and should be abolished. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office has said that under the House-passed version of the bill, some 10.9 million more people would go without health care and at least 3 million fewer would qualify for food aid. The CBO has not yet publicly assessed the Senate draft, which proposes steeper reductions. Top income-earners would see about a $12,000 tax cut under the House bill, while the poorest Americans would face a $1,600 tax increase, the CBO said. One unresolved issue remains the so-called SALT provision, a deduction for state and local taxes that has been a top priority of lawmakers from New York and other high-tax states. The cap is now $10,000. The White House and House Republicans had narrowed in on a plan for a $40,000 cap, but for five years instead of 10. Republican senators says that's too generous. At least one House GOP holdout, Rep. Nick LaLota of New York, said he cannot support the compromise. Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer of New York said Republicans are rushing to finish the bill before the public fully knows what's in it. 'There's no good reason for Republicans to chase a silly deadline,' Schumer said. House Speaker Mike Johnson, who sent his colleagues home for the weekend with plans to be on call to return to Washington, said they are 'very close' to finishing up. 'We would still like to meet that July Fourth, self-imposed deadline,' said Johnson, R-La. With the narrow Republicans majorities in the House and Senate, leaders need almost every lawmaker on board to ensure passage. Johnson and Thune have stayed close to the White House, relying on Trump to pressure holdout lawmakers. ___ Associated Press writers Kevin Freking and Joey Cappelletti contributed to this report.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store