Sheikh Hasina's Ganabhaban Palace To Be Turned Into Bangladesh Revolution Museum News18
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Russia ends moratorium on intermediate-range missile deployment
Last Updated: Moscow, Aug 4 (PTI) Russia on Monday announced that it was withdrawing from its self-imposed moratorium on the deployment of intermediate-range missiles. The move comes after US President Donald Trump ordered the repositioning of two American nuclear submarines closer to Russian shores, escalating tensions between the two Cold War-era rivals. 'Russia does not consider itself anymore bound by self-restrictions on deploying intermediate- and shorter-range missiles (INF) as conditions to preserve this moratorium have disappeared," the Russian Foreign Ministry said in a statement. The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, signed between the USSR and the US in 1987, did not allow the deployment of missile launchers, ground-launched ballistic missiles, and cruise missiles with a range of 500 to 5,500 km. The US withdrew from the agreement in 2019. In a statement, the Russian Foreign Ministry said its repeated warnings on the matter have been ignored and the situation is moving toward the actual deployment of US-made intermediate- and shorter-range ground-based missiles in Europe and the Asia-Pacific region. The Foreign Office in Moscow said that actions by the West in the sphere of proliferating such missiles create a 'direct threat" to Russian security, requiring certain measures on Moscow's part. On Friday, Trump wrote on his Truth Social post that he had ordered the redeployment of US submarines 'to appropriate regions" allegedly over 'extremely provocative statements" by former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, who is also the deputy chairman of the Russian Security Council. PTI VS GRS GRS GRS view comments First Published: August 05, 2025, 00:15 IST Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
India Today
38 minutes ago
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Did Muhammad Yunus doom Bangladesh's democratic future?
One year ago, the skies over Dhaka blazed not with celebration, but with fire. In the days leading up to 5 August 2024, Bangladesh was in open revolt. As Sheikh Hasina fled the country by helicopter - driven out by an overwhelming wave of student-led protests and a nation wearied by authoritarianism — it appeared, for a fleeting moment, that genuine change had arrived. The streets erupted in Democracy, it seemed, was within reach. Yet twelve months on, hope has given way to uncertainty. Violent communal unrest, deepening youth unemployment, a resurgent Islamist movement, and an overstretched interim government have together stalled Bangladesh's revolution in a dangerous state of limbo. A Revolution Without DirectionThe uprising that shook the country was never just about quotas for government jobs. It was about years of pent-up frustration - a sidelined youth, silenced dissent, and an economy that benefited only the privileged few. The civil service quota reform protests were merely the spark. The explosion was long than half of civil service roles were reserved for groups including women, families of war veterans, and the disabled. But beneath the figures lay a deeper discontent: the widespread belief that Bangladesh's meritocracy had been dismantled - and that in Hasina's Bangladesh, hard work held no costs were catastrophic. According to the United Nations, over 1,400 people lost their lives in the July–August 2024 uprising. Streets became warzones. Police stations were set ablaze. Students were gunned down. Entire neighbourhoods were reduced to rubble. This wasn't merely a protest — it was a that void stepped Muhammad Yunus - Nobel laureate, microfinance pioneer, and the reluctant head of an interim regime. Backed by elements within the military and opposition leaders, Yunus promised a national reset: eleven reform commissions, national unity, and a pathway to Meets ParalysisYet democracy requires more than ousting the old guard — it demands the creation of something new. And there, Bangladesh continues to flounder. The student movement that dismantled Hasina's regime now finds itself sidelined. Political parties that were expected to usher in a new chapter - including the BNP - remain gridlocked over election timing. The interim government insists on April; the BNP demands February. There is no consensus. No roadmap. Just the economy is disintegrating. The youth who marched in the streets — the unemployed, the desperate, the hopeful - remain suspended in limbo. Today, around 30% of Bangladeshi youth are neither in employment nor education or training. Among women, unemployment sits at 23%, with even higher figures in rural regions, where farms struggle and factories economic backbone — its garment industry - is haemorrhaging. The Beximco Group, one of the nation's largest conglomerates, has shut down over a dozen factories, resulting in over 40,000 job losses. Business leaders linked to the previous regime have either been imprisoned or fled. Trade unions have warned of systemic collapse. No relief has make matters worse, the global stage has turned hostile. Late last year, the United States imposed a crippling 35% tariff on Bangladeshi garment exports. More recently, another 20% tariff was introduced — and foreign aid has dried up. Over 20,000 development workers have lost their jobs. Foreign investors are summits and training schemes, the interim government has failed to restore economic confidence. Private investment has dipped from 24% to 22.5% of GDP. Hope is evaporating - and so is forward Deferred, Divisions DeepenedNowhere is the collapse more keenly felt than among the young students and workers who risked everything a year ago. They marched for dignity, fairness, and a better future. Today, many are unemployed, unheard, and increasingly unsure of why they fought at the failures of the transition are not just economic - they are moral. In the vacuum left behind by Hasina's fall, a new threat has emerged: Islamist like Jamaat-e-Islami, long banned from public life, are now staging enormous rallies. Their rhetoric is louder, more militant, and more visible than at any point in the past decade. And they are not merely shouting. They are acting - within communities, in the streets, and through rising acts of Hasina's departure, there has been an alarming spike in anti-Hindu violence. Over 1,000 incidents were reported within weeks of the collapse. Mobs looted homes, burned down businesses, and desecrated more than 150 temples. Twenty-three Hindus were killed. Thousands have been displaced.A State Retreating From Its PeopleThe state has largely remained silent. Police presence was minimal. Arrests were scarce. Justice - even scarcer. While the interim government acknowledges 88 major communal incidents between August and October 2024, human rights organisations estimate the real figure is significantly attacks have largely been traced to radical Islamist groups emboldened by the power vacuum. With the secular Awami League gone, Bangladesh's minorities - especially Hindus - now find themselves it's not only Hindus. Sufi shrines have been desecrated. Secular bloggers hounded. Women's rights groups threatened. Bangladesh's already delicate pluralism is being ripped apart by a surge of majoritarianism and populist religious warn that any future government — whether the BNP, a student-led coalition, or another alliance - may be forced to pander to these Islamist forces. That would likely mean rolling back reforms, watering down human rights protections, and suffocating dissent even repeated denials from the interim government, on-the-ground reports suggest radical clerics now hold more influence in many villages than state officials. In some areas, they are reportedly intimidating voters, silencing opposition voices, and usurping state authority is not a democracy in progress - it is a democracy in Are the Reformers Now?With the Awami League dismantled and the machinery of the state in chaos, minority communities are leaving. Some flee to India. Others disappear into Dhaka's sprawling slums. The homes, businesses, and temples they leave behind are often the original student revolutionaries are splintering. Some have entered politics, demanding a new constitution before elections are held. Their platform calls for secularism, equal rights, and meaningful reform. They refuse to participate in elections without these is a bold position - but one rooted in reality. The system that collapsed with Hasina's exit was broken long before her helicopter lifted off. Cosmetic changes will not suffice.A Nation at the EdgeSo where does Bangladesh go from here? The options are few and fraught. Rush elections — and risk violence, low turnout, or a chaotic mandate. Delay them — and invite accusations of dictatorship and interim government must walk a tightrope. It cannot appease all factions, but it must restore legitimacy before collapse becomes that brings us back to the core question: was it worth it?The revolution brought down a powerful regime. It was born of hope — for justice, dignity, and democracy. But in the aftermath has come only disorder: broken promises, rising extremism, economic are not judged by what they destroy — but by what they create. One year after Bangladesh sought to reset its future, that reset remains unfinished. The ideals of equality, tolerance, and opportunity are still out of as the promise remains unfulfilled, the next generation — the ones who risked everything - may lose faith. The story of Bangladesh is not over. But it stands at a critical juncture. The decisions taken in the months ahead — about elections, reforms, and justice — will determine whether this remains a nation in transition, or devolves into protesters climbed the palace roof last August, they didn't just bring down a ruler. They raised the bar of expectation. If those expectations collapse - the next fall may be far more dangerous.- EndsTune InTrending Reel
New Indian Express
an hour ago
- New Indian Express
Stop politics over use of Bangla across India
An inspector at Delhi's Lodhi Colony police station has caused a stir by requesting the West Bengal state guest house in the national capital to provide a translator for 'texts written in Bangladeshi'. In a more harmonious era, the matter could have been set aside with a guffaw over the inspector's own linguistic limitations. But at a time Bangla speakers are being rounded up in various BJP-ruled states and deported on mere suspicion of being illegal immigrants, calling Bangla the 'Bangladeshi national language' in an official letter cuts deeply. The case for which a translator's services were sought is itself about eight people suspected of being illegal immigrants. It's a travesty that someone writing an official letter does not know the name of the country's second largest language. Bangla is not only one of the 22 official languages enshrined in the Constitution's Eighth Schedule; last year, the Union government also listed it as one of the country's 11 classical languages, whose criteria include high antiquity, textual heritage and original tradition. Rabindranath Tagore not only wrote the national anthems of India and Bangladesh, but he also inspired Sri Lanka's.
