![[팟캐스트] (681) 트럼프발 의약품 관세 정책 예고 업계 초긴장](/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwimg.heraldcorp.com%2Fnews%2Fcms%2F2025%2F04%2F21%2Fnews-p.v1.20250421.1f8952bc48d240cebf74da1e453fcb59_T1.jpg&w=3840&q=100)
[팟캐스트] (681) 트럼프발 의약품 관세 정책 예고 업계 초긴장
진행자: 김혜연, Chelsea Proctor
기사 요약: 의약품 관세에 대해서 관세 부과를 확정짓지 않은 트럼프, 곧 발표 예고에 예의주시 중인 한국 제약 바이오 업계
[1] US President Donald Trump announced Tuesday that his administration will soon impose tariffs on imported pharmaceuticals, which had previously been exempt from major "reciprocal" tariff measures, raising alarm across Korea's pharmaceuticals and biotech industries.
*exempt 면제하다[받다]
*raise alarm 경보를 울리다, 비상 사태가 되다
[2] According to multiple foreign news outlets, Trump made the statement during a dinner hosted by the National Republican Congressional Committee in Washington. There, he suggested that pharmaceuticals companies would likely "relocate operations" to the US, given the size and importance of the American market.
*statement 성명, 진술, 서술
*relocate 이전[이동]하다
[3] The US is Korea's largest export destination for pharmaceutical products, making the industry particularly sensitive to such policy changes. Data from the Korea Customs Service shows that Korean pharmaceutical exports to the US reached $1.51 billion last year, a 50 percent increase from $1 billion the year before. The US accounted for 18 percent of Korea's total pharmaceutical exports during this period.
*account for 설명하다, 처리하다
[4] Industry experts believe any new pharmaceutical tariffs are likely to be phased in gradually rather than implemented abruptly. 'While being a massive market, the US is also heavily reliant on foreign pharmaceuticals, which limits its ability to impose aggressive tariffs overnight,' a senior official in Korea's biopharmaceuticals industry said.
*phased (일의 진행을) 단계적으로 하다
*abruptly 갑자기, 불쑥, 뜻밖에
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Korea Herald
17 minutes ago
- Korea Herald
Seoul shares start slightly higher despite tariff woes
South Korean stocks opened a tad higher Monday despite renewed tariff threats by US President Donald Trump over the weekend. The benchmark Korea Composite Stock Price Index climbed 7.15 points, or 0.23 percent, to 3,182.92 as of 11:20 a.m. On Saturday, Trump said he has sent letters to key trade partners, including the European Union and Mexico, threatening duties of 30 percent on imports and setting the negotiations deadline on Aug. 1. In Seoul, major shares started in mixed territory. Market bellwether Samsung Electronics fell 0.8 percent, and its chipmaking rival SK hynix rose 2.21 percent. Top carmaker Hyundai Motor added 0.72 percent, but its sister Kia retreated 0.6 percent. K-pop powerhouse Hybe declined 0.18 percent, and entertainment giant CJ ENM increased 0.58 percent. The local currency was trading at 1,376.55 won against the US dollar at 11:20 a.m., down 1.15 won from the previous session. (Yonhap)
![[Koichi Hamada] How to negotiate with Trump](/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwimg.heraldcorp.com%2Fnews%2Fcms%2F2025%2F07%2F13%2Fnews-p.v1.20250713.64b3ecc276d946f8b231d4e24a626407_T1.jpg&w=3840&q=100)
Korea Herald
5 hours ago
- Korea Herald
[Koichi Hamada] How to negotiate with Trump
Since Donald Trump returned to the White House in January, it has been virtually impossible to keep up with all the extreme measures, incendiary rhetoric, personnel changes, policy reversals, and breaches of rules and norms. That is by design: Like European fascists in the 20th century, Trump knows that it is far easier to manipulate and suppress an overwhelmed, divided, and disoriented public than an informed, engaged and assured one. The relentless stream of declarations, policy U-turns, and legal violations confuses and exhausts Trump's opponents, making it difficult to devise a clear strategy for resisting him. And the flood of often-false or misleading information, combined with continued appeals to popular grievances, prevents Trump's supporters from recognizing that he is often actively working against their interests. For example, cuts to Medicaid under the just-passed 'Big, Beautiful Bill' — which will amount to about $1 trillion over a decade — will leave millions of Americans, including many Trump voters, without health care. Yet Trump's supporters remain largely fixated on the 'enemies' against whom Trump promises to 'protect' America. If you have an angry base and can conjure scary bogeymen, you do not have to justify your policies; you need only keep stoking voters' anger and fear. The international community, too, has been struggling to figure out how to respond to Trump's behavior, from his bombing of Iranian nuclear sites to his rejection of multilateral agreements. When it comes to tariffs, however, the path forward should be clear. On April 2, Trump unilaterally announced 'reciprocal' tariffs on countries running trade surpluses with the United States. But on April 9 — less than 24 hours after the tariffs took effect — he announced a 90-day 'pause,' during which the affected countries were supposed to reach new trade agreements with the US. True to form, the Trump administration has just moved the deadline again: Now, countries apparently have until Aug. 1. Trump's tariffs defy economic logic. A well-established theoretical framework, based on centuries of evidence, explains why international trade is fundamentally a win-win proposition: each country can produce and sell goods and services in the fields where it has a comparative advantage. The Trump administration, however, treats trade like a zero-sum game: if other countries are benefiting, then the US must be losing. Trump hopes that by weaponizing tariffs, he will secure 'victories' for US industry. The problem is that the added costs fall primarily to domestic importers — not foreign producers — and are then passed on to consumers. The result is reduced access to foreign goods, weaker domestic competition, and higher prices. Other countries feel considerable pressure to strike timely deals with his administration. They must resist that pressure. As game theory indicates, patience is crucial for finding cooperative solutions to seemingly intractable conflicts — especially when the uncooperative party is showing impatience. Countries should also remain open to the possibility that trade negotiations can bring mutual benefits, particularly if their scope is broadened beyond industrial products, to include agricultural products and even security issues. Trade talks between the US and Japan are a case in point. So far, bilateral negotiations have focused not only on automobiles — US imports of Japanese cars are far higher than Japanese imports of American cars — but also on rice, an industry that Japan protects with tariffs and subsidies. But reports of excess production capacity suggest that these protections are not doing Japan much good. Add to that high prices — a reflection of high production costs — and Japan has good reason to liberalize the sector, quite apart from facilitating a trade agreement with the US. Trump's aggressive tactics have already motivated Europe to take responsibility for its own security — a welcome development in an increasingly insecure world. At last month's NATO summit, member countries (with the exception of Spain) committed to increasing their defense spending to 5 percent of GDP by 2035. Incorporating defense considerations into trade negotiations could prove constructive. Japan's share of defense spending was affected by the US occupation policy after World War II, which was intended to prevent Japan from becoming a major military power again. Now confronted with the military might of neighboring China and North Korea, and with new demands for increased defense spending from the US, the Japanese will need to consider the issue seriously. None of this justifies Trump's economically counterproductive, highly destabilizing policies. But rather than become overwhelmed or distracted, and end up striking unfavorable trade deals, countries must take their time, think strategically, and, where possible, bring mutually beneficial offers to the table.
![[Lee Kyong-hee] Dr. Oh's surgical tool bags in Pyongyang](/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwimg.heraldcorp.com%2Fnews%2Fcms%2F2025%2F07%2F13%2Fnews-p.v1.20250713.aee1cf38ab284a1aa9616ebb70565675_T1.jpg&w=3840&q=100)
Korea Herald
5 hours ago
- Korea Herald
[Lee Kyong-hee] Dr. Oh's surgical tool bags in Pyongyang
As the Lee Jae Myung administration's North Korea policy stirred expectations of detente and potential geopolitical tremors, an obituary in a newspaper caught my eye last month. Dr. Oh Indong, a well-known Korean American orthopedic surgeon and unification activist, passed away on June 19 at his Pasadena, California, home at age 86. Oh enjoyed international acclaim for his expertise in artificial hip joint replacement. A former Harvard Medical School faculty member, he invented major improvements in joint replacement devices and prosthesis systems, obtaining 11 patents and winning prestigious research awards. Back in his homeland, though, his name is more often associated with the pro-unification movement. He was noted for his outspoken views about the division of the Korean Peninsula, including the role of the South Korea-US alliance as an impediment to unity, and possible solutions. How did Oh connect his successful medical career in America and his activism for Korean reunification? The long journey began in 1992, when Dr. Kwon Young-sei, then-president of the Korean American Medical Association, phoned with an audacious suggestion: 'Dr. Oh, let's go to Pyongyang!' Oh agreed immediately. 'Oh, yes! Of course, I'll go.' Oh soon was on his way to the North Korean capital with the KAMA delegation. Its goal was to lay the groundwork for academic exchange and medical support. The trip was before the so-called 'first North Korea nuclear crisis' led to the travel ban on American citizens to the North. 'Some of my colleague doctors who had privately visited North Korea to meet their relatives lamented the poor health care conditions there. I wanted to confirm the North's medical environment with my own eyes so I could do whatever was possible to be of some help,' Oh recalled in his 2010 book, 'My Surgical Tool Bags Left in Pyongyang.' Thus, as part of a five-member delegation, Oh arrived in Pyongyang on Oct. 10, 1992. That night, he could hardly sleep with curiosity and expectations. Though the sights in the city were unfamiliar, he found that people were not the 'red-faced demons to be defeated.' Contrary to the rhetoric heard in South Korea, the people north of the Demilitarized Zone displayed the same warmth. The realization came with a layer of sadness. That first sleepless night in Pyongyang, Oh did not think about returning many times in the years to come. But he realized that he needed to have a correct understanding of the causes of division and the state of confrontation. Upon returning from the trip, he began studying modern and contemporary Korean history, rediscovering national history and gaining a renewed awareness of division and animosity. In 1997, Oh launched Korea-2000, a non-governmental research council, along with like-minded Korean Americans. The group wrote recommendations on unification policy for the governments of both Koreas. In January 1998, Oh visited Seoul and Pyongyang to deliver the recommendations when hopes for reconciliation surged with the election of President Kim Dae-jung in the South and the ascension of Chairman Kim Jong-il in the North. Two years later, the leaders held a historic summit and signed the South-North Joint Declaration, also known as the June 15 Declaration. As co-chair of the US committee tasked with fulfilling the declaration, Oh strongly advocated the Korean initiative in cross-border exchanges and economic cooperation. He called for an 'economic community under a confederacy of two states,' pending peaceful reunification, and suggested joint management of the North's nuclear arsenal under the principles of nonproliferation and eventual denuclearization when reunification is achieved. 'Combine the South's mighty capital and technology and the North's abundant natural resources and human labor, drastically reducing the defense spending and military troops of both sides, then the confederacy will emerge as the world's fifth economic power with a population of 80 million within 10 years,' Oh reiterated. 'Unification will not mean the South's losses. It will be hugely profitable business for both Koreas.' For a genuine Korean initiative, Oh emphasized direct inter-Korean dialogue, rather than bilateral negotiations between the US and North Korea. In his article, 'Make South Korea the Real Party to North Korea,' published by the Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainability in 2000, Oh argued that the US wartime operational control over the South Korean forces under the Combined Forces Command hinders North-South dialogue. Oh began his medical assistance in the North in 2009, with joint operations with orthopedists at Pyongyang Medical University. On each of his nearly annual visits thereafter, he brought a load of artificial joints and surgical instruments. He also helped the North produce expensive artificial joints and prosthesis systems to promote self-sufficiency. 'Each time, I left my bags behind in Pyongyang. It was my promise to return,' Oh wrote in his book. 'I believe that in every human affair, communication and trust are the keys to solution. Through my visits, I experienced building trust and camaraderie with North Koreans.' Oh believed that he was tasked with healing the ailing legs of the North and the South to enable the two halves to stand firmly together. His mission remains unfulfilled. His surgical tool bags in Pyongyang must be awaiting another visionary.
