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Opinion - Netanyahu hits a new low — and he's going lower

Opinion - Netanyahu hits a new low — and he's going lower

Yahoo25-03-2025
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has hit a nadir — even for him — and he will soon go even lower as he foments what could become a civil war in Israel. The current internal Israeli strife might be worse than the situation on Oct. 6, 2023, the day before the Hamas massacres.
Beset by a multiplicity of scandals, including within the prime minister's office, a substantial majority of Israelis increasingly fears that, even after 17 months of war, Netanyahu continues to operate for his own political benefit rather than the benefit of the country.
The hostages remaining in Gaza — the single most important issue for Israelis — have been abandoned as Israel has restarted the Gaza war. Evidence mounted during the ceasefire that Netanyahu's primary war objective, the elimination of Hamas as a coherent unit, had thus far failed.
Unsurprisingly, Netanyahu has begun to lash out, using sound-bite canards that bear no relationship to fact. In a video released last week, he blamed 'deep state leftists' for all his problems. Separately, Netanyahu claimed that Ronen Bar — the head of the General Security Services (or Shin Bet, as it is known by its Hebrew acronym), whom he is trying to fire — had early knowledge of the Oct. 7 attack but kept it to himself.
While we in the U.S. are by now familiar with claims of a left-wing 'deep state,' it rings hollow coming from Netanyahu, who has been Israel's prime minister since 2009, save for a one-year break. Prior to Netanyahu, Ariel Sharon was prime minister from 2001 to 2006 and Ehud Olmert from 2006 to 2009, both from Netanyahu's Likud Party. The last Labor prime minister was Ehud Barak — a former military chief of staff and the most decorated soldier in Israel's history — who served from 1999 to 2001.
The entire Israel body politic moved to the right in the aftermath of the Second Intifada (2000 to 2005), and even more so in the aftermath of the Hamas massacres. The Israeli left certainly does not wield hidden power.
Fortunately, all of this doesn't mean the country is ready to give up on democracy or give Netanyahu carte blanche — especially as he is the only key person in government or the security services who has failed to take any responsibility for Oct. 7. As I wrote almost a year ago, Netanyahu continues to believe he is the state.
A look at the most recent turmoil surrounding Netanyahu is in order.
In what is referred to as 'Qatar-gate,' two of Netanyahu's key aides, Yonatan Urich and Eli Feldstein, are accused of taking money from Qatar to provide public relations work for the Gulf emirate — while working for Netanyahu during the Gaza war. Feldstein is already under indictment for leaking stolen classified documents related to the war.
Lurking behind 'Qatargate' is that Netanyahu encouraged Qatar to fund Hamas with hundreds of millions of dollars, until Oct. 7, as a way to weaken the rival Palestinian Authority and thus keep Palestinians divided. There are also allegations that Netanyahu personally pocketed Qatari money. A recent Israeli television Chanel 13 report indicates that many more Netanyahu staffers may also have been paid by Qatar.
A second major scandal involves his attempts to fire Shin Bet head Bar — a first for Israel. The ostensible reason was that he has 'lost confidence' in Bar. Except for the rabid faithful, few in Israel believe Netanyahu's claims. Most believe Bar was fired because of the Shin Bet investigation into Qatar-gate, and because Shin Bet's investigative report on its failures leading up to Oct. 7 also puts blame on Netanyahu for his Hamas-Qatar policy.
Third, Netanyahu has come under fire for trying to fire Israel's attorney general: The position of attorney general in Israel is not the same as in the U.S. The Israeli attorney general is appointed by a five-member public commission for a six-year term. The attorney general is legal counsel to the government, head of the public prosecution system, represents the state in all legal proceedings and, critically, and represents the public interest in all legal matters. It is a prestigious position. Six of the previous 14 attorneys general later became Israeli Supreme Court justices.
In Netanyahu's eyes, the crime of the current attorney general — Gali Baharav-Miara, the first woman to serve in that position — is that she took 'representing the public interest' seriously and often told the government that it was acting unlawfully. On March 23, the Israeli cabinet took the first step in firing Baharav-Miara.
Then there is Netanyahu's attempted judicial coup. From Jan. 3 until Oct. 6, 2023, Israel was facing unprecedented internal strife over his attempt to place the government in charge of all judicial appointments, limit the power of review by the Israeli Supreme Court. In Israeli's parliamentary system, this would have granted immense power to Netanyahu, in effect subordinating all three branches to the prime minister.
Recent polling in Israel shows 63 percent fear for democracy and that only 17 percent have faith in the Netanyahu government. Will poll numbers like that, expect Netanyahu to go lower and lower.
Jonathan D. Strum is an international lawyer and businessman based in Washington and the Middle East. From 1991 to 2005, he was an adjunct professor of Israeli law at Georgetown University Law Center. From 2015 to 2020, he was general counsel to a graduate school focused on national security in Washington.
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
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People arrive on foot, in cars, on motorcycles, or on horses. They carry sacks. There are no lines. No supervision. It's a stampede. They push, they stab, they throw sand at each other." In the quiet outskirts of Tel Aviv, an active-duty soldier in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), who, for security reasons, will be referred to only as 'Y,' is between rounds of duty after completing more than 300 days of service since October 7. In an exclusive interview with The Media Line, he recounts what he saw during one of the most contested incidents of the war, challenging headlines that claimed Israeli soldiers opened fire on starving civilians. Another IDF reservist who was present at the scene also spoke with The Media Line and confirmed 'Y's' account of the incident, including the sequence of events and the nature of the crowd that approached the distribution site. Access to Gaza has been limited, and the foreign press has been unable to enter the area to tell the story accurately. 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Some are just opportunists. But it's organized. It's how Hamas keeps people dependent.' He directly rejects reports of starvation in Gaza. 'There is no one collapsing from hunger. That's a blood libel. If there's malnutrition in Gaza, it's because Hamas wants it. They have the food, and they block it. They want the photos of skinny children. That's their weapon.' He draws comparisons rarely heard in the international press. 'Saudi Arabia bombed the Houthis for 10 years and sent 5,000 trucks of aid, but there was no global outrage. Israel has been bombing Hamas, a terrorist organization, for 21 months and has sent more than 23,000 aid trucks into Gaza, but is somehow accused of starving Gaza.' Israel's security establishment, meanwhile, maintains that it has not restricted the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza. Since May 19, the government reports that nearly 4,500 aid trucks have entered the Strip via two channels: through US-operated distribution centers that supply weekly food packages, and through UN-coordinated deliveries of flour, baby food, and ingredients for bakeries and communal kitchens. Officials report that 50% of the aid goes through each channel, and that more than 1.5 million food packages and 2,500 tons of baby food have reached civilians. As of this week, however, the contents of some 950 trucks remain uncollected on the Gazan side of crossings, with Israel blaming UN agencies for delays in distribution. That frustration peaked on July 20, when international headlines reported that Israeli troops had opened fire on civilians waiting for food. 'Y' says he was there and that nothing about that morning resembled the story broadcast to the world. According to his account, the incident began the night before. On July 19, around 10 p.m., eight to ten aid trucks arrived at the site. The delivery was standard procedure, meant to prepare for morning distribution. But soon after, a crowd began to approach. 'They weren't supposed to be there. It was closed. They saw the trucks and came to loot,' he says. 'We fired warning shots. No one was hurt. They left, for the time being.' The army had posted the opening times on Palestinian Facebook groups. Drones circled overhead, broadcasting in Arabic: 'The site will open at 9 a.m. Do not approach.' 'Y' says the instructions were clear, constant, and public. Around 2 a.m., a small team was sent to a forward position one kilometer from the corridor, at a junction of several dirt paths. Their role was to intercept any suspicious movement before it reached the aid zone. At approximately 4:30 a.m., four Gazan men came into view. Voices echoed in the dark. Then came chants of 'Allahu Akbar.' 'That's when it became obvious; this wasn't just a spontaneous crowd,' he says. 'It was coordinated.' The four Gazan men emerged from behind a building. A warning shot was fired ten meters in front of them. They kept running. 'Then four became a hundred. Then a thousand. All adult men. No women. No children. Just men running straight at us.' The soldiers were surrounded on three sides, with the food trucks behind them. 'We heard Kalashnikov fire from behind the crowd. We didn't see who fired it, but we heard it clearly,' he says. With the mass approaching within 100 meters, a standing order was given: defend the position. 'Nothing stopped them, not the drones, not the megaphones, not flash grenades or warning shots. In the end, we fired. There was no other choice.' 'Hamas had two goals,' he says. 'Steal the food and provoke a tragedy they could film.' According to 'Y,' the same group had tried to storm the site at 10 p.m. and again at 2 a.m. 'They came back stronger. More people. More vehicles. Gunfire behind them. They knew what they were doing.' 'Y' describes intense restrictions placed on Israeli soldiers guarding the corridor. 'We weren't allowed to engage unless it was life-threatening. That's how Hamas exploited it. They knew we had limits. They sent the crowd ahead like a shield. And when things exploded, the cameras were already rolling.' The moral complexity, he says, is unbearable. 'We had to choose between protecting the mission and being slaughtered on a rooftop. And then we get called war criminals.' What angers him most is how quickly the story was rewritten. 'By midday, headlines were saying we shot starving civilians. That's not what happened. It wasn't a line for food. It was a violent attempt to overrun the corridor.' Telegram channels later published the names of the dead. 'All adult males. No women. No children.' The soldiers held their positions for over thirty minutes. At one point, a small force was actively defending the rooftop. 'If they had broken through, we would've been overrun. There was no alternative.' Asked how he felt watching the international coverage, 'Y' didn't hesitate. 'People want to believe lies. It helps justify their hate. But it only hurts the Palestinians. Because every time this propaganda is believed, Hamas gets stronger.' 'Y' is convinced the entire event was staged. 'They wanted a bloodbath. Something to sell to the media. And they got it.' On the proposal to restore distribution control to United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), his response is just as blunt: 'UNRWA is Hamas. There's no difference between them. Giving them back control is handing it straight to the terrorists.' In his view, there is only one path to end the current cycle. 'Ceasefire and hostage return,' he says. But that, he insists, 'can't mean full withdrawal. There has to be a buffer zone. We can't allow another October 7.' 'Y' doesn't expect the headlines to change. 'The lies will continue. The world will keep blaming us. But we'll keep doing the job, because someone has to.' Then, without raising his voice, he adds: 'They weren't hungry. They were coming for the trucks.' Meanwhile, the Foreign Press Association released a statement expressing concern over the humanitarian crisis, including reports of starvation in the Gaza and calling on Israel to allow the flow of humanitarian aid into the Gaza Strip. Solve the daily Crossword

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