
Parliament Monsoon Session live updates: PM Modi to lead NDA meet, INDIA bloc calls protest over SIR
Parliament Monsoon Session live updates: Prime Minister Narendra Modi is set to address the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) parliamentary party meeting today at the Parliament Library Building. This key meeting comes amid an ongoing deadlock in Parliament, with opposition parties demanding a debate on the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in Bihar and calling for its withdrawal. Members of the NDA from both the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha are expected to attend....Read More
Meanwhile, leaders of the INDIA bloc will also convene at 10 am in the office of the Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha, located in the same Parliament Library Building.
Following their meeting, INDIA bloc MPs will stage a protest at 10:30 am near Makar Dwar in Parliament, opposing the SIR in Bihar. The demonstration will take place under the slogan: "Our vote, our right, our fight."
Agenda for today
• According to the Lok Sabha Secretariat's List of Business, Union Sports Minister Mansukh Mandaviya will move amendments to the National Anti-Doping Act, 2022, for consideration and passage in the Lok Sabha. He will also introduce the National Sports Governance Bill, 2025.
• The bill seeks to promote the development of sports, ensure welfare measures for athletes, and enforce ethical practices aligned with international standards such as the Olympic Charter, the Paralympic Charter, and best practices from around the world. It also proposes a structured mechanism for resolving sports-related disputes fairly and efficiently.
• Union law minister Arjun Ram Meghwal is set to move amendments to the Readjustment of Representation of Scheduled Tribes in Assembly Constituencies of the State of Goa Bill, 2024, for further consideration.
• Congress MP Amar Singh and BJP MP Nishikant Dubey will present reports of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC), detailing government action on earlier recommendations. These include reports on the misappropriation of funds in the Department of Posts, operationalisation of Sagar Prahari Bal, the Indo-Nepal Border Road Project, and management issues in the Delhi Police.
• The electoral college for the upcoming vice president election comprises 782 MPs from both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. If the opposition fields a candidate, the election is expected to be held on September 9.
• Sources indicated that Parliamentary affairs minister Kiren Rijiju, along with BJP general secretaries, is coordinating with allies regarding the vice presidential poll.
• Mansukh Mandaviya appealed to the opposition, saying the bills were important and should be allowed for discussion.
• BJP MP Jagdambika Pal, presiding over the session, also urged members to allow proceedings to continue, noting that no bill had been passed since the monsoon session began.
• Rijiju later criticised the opposition for continuing disruptions into the third week of the session.
• Both Houses have faced multiple adjournments over the opposition's demand to discuss the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) process in poll-bound Bihar.
• Rijiju reiterated the government's position last week, saying, 'I want to clarify that the government is ready to hold discussions on any issue as per rules. There cannot be a discussion on SIR because it is a process undertaken by a Constitutional body, and it is not happening for the first time...'
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Economic Times
28 minutes ago
- Economic Times
INDIA bloc's Election Commission march over SIR rescheduled to August 11
Synopsis The Opposition's march to the Election Commission of India, initially planned for August 8, has been moved to August 11 due to the passing of former Jharkhand CM Shibu Soren. Despite the rescheduling, the INDIA bloc leaders' dinner meeting will proceed as planned on August 7 at Rahul Gandhi's residence. PTI LoP in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi consoles Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren as he visits Sir Ganga Ram Hospital to pay his respects to the latter's father, former Jharkhand chief minister Shibu Soren, in New Delhi. The Opposition's march to the Election Commission of India headquarters against the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) in Bihar has been rescheduled to August 11, a source said on Tuesday. The march, earlier scheduled to be held on August 8, was rescheduled after the death of former Jharkhand chief minister Shibu Soren. The schedule of the dinner meeting of the INDIA bloc leaders remains the same, and will be held on the evening of August 7 at Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi's new residence - 5, Sunehri Bagh road. Popularly known as Guruji, Shibu Soren died at a private hospital in Delhi on Monday. Several Opposition leaders are visiting Ranchi on Tuesday to pay their last respects to the leader credited with leading the agitation for the formation of the state of Jharkhand. Following his death, a protest that the Congress was to hold in Bengaluru on Tuesday was postponed to August 8. That protest is to be led by Rahul Gandhi. The Congress is protesting against what it calls large-scale manipulation of electoral rolls in Bengaluru's Mahadevapura constituency in the 2023 Assembly polls. At a meeting of the INDIA bloc parties on Tuesday morning, Opposition leaders agreed that SIR remains the key issue for the Monsoon Session, and they will continue protests inside, as well as outside, the House, pressing for a debate on the issue. Opposition parties have warned that the exercise may lead to disenfranchisement of many, and have called it "vote-bandi" and "vote-chori" (vote theft).


India Today
30 minutes ago
- India Today
Fall of Sheikh Hasina: An uprising, urban guerilla tactic or army inaction?
On August 5 last year, Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina boarded a military helicopter in the nick of time to flee from Bangladesh as lakhs of protesters headed towards her official residence in Dhaka. Such was the haste that she couldn't even record an address to the nation that she wanted to. But how did the regime of Hasina, who ruled with an iron fist for 15 years, crumble within weeks?advertisementWas it more than just a student-led uprising? Did urban guerilla-style attacks aided by Hasina's political rivals and the hands-off approach of the military play as big a role as the agitation itself in pulling down the Awami League-led government?Bangladeshi political experts and activists in Dhaka and those in self-imposed exile describe how it was a perfect storm that combined all the above to blow away the regime that had the backing of the security and intelligence apparatus and foot soldiers of her Awami League and its student wing, the Chhatra League. The official death toll of the mass protest, which saw security personnel opening fire on unarmed protesters and retaliatory attacks on the police, stands at 1,400. Experts suggest the toll to be much political analyst Shafquat Rabbee says it was a "confluence of fortuitous events and conditions that all came together, ending up in a spectacular collapse for Hasina the tyrant".Rabbee talks about how the videos of brutal killings by the security forces got all sections of Bangladeshi society to take to the streets against Hasina.A political commentator from Dhaka, requesting anonymity, tells India Today Digital that anti-Hasina forces had cultivated people for years within the administration. As the students-led agitation peaked, those officials stopped functioning, bringing about a total collapse of the state parties like the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Jamaat-e-Islami, which were suppressed by the Hasina regime, too played their part, the experts agree. The students wouldn't have lasted even a single night without the support of the parties' street-fighters, who have protected them with their experience of taking on the police political activist and writer Faham Abdus Salam says the attack on the police personnel revealed the movement had moved to the next phase, and that the Hasina government had lost its fear last nail in the Hasina regime's coffin was Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman's declaration that the forces wouldn't shoot at protesters. This came as a booster shot for the crowd, which now had students, common people and members of political and Islamist also reveals that some within the military establishment harboured thoughts of preparing a guerilla force if Hasina hung on to power beyond August year on, as the haze somewhat lifts, the July-August movement can be divided into three distinct phases, which reveal the role of the political parties and the military in the ouster of Hasina. Till now, the July-August movement was perceived as only a student-spearheaded are the three turning points that unfolded in succession:1: Anti-quota agitation by students turns into a single-point demand seeking Hasina's resignation2: Protest across Bangladesh after police fire at protesters, cops targeted in guerilla-style attacks3: Army goes for a hands-off approach, with protests even at Defence Officers Housing Societies A vandalised police station is in Dhaka on August 6, a day after Hasina fled the country. After Hasina's departure, a wave of violence erupted with several police stations ransacked and officers targeted in retaliatory attacks. (AFP Image) BRUTAL KILLING VIDEOS FANNED ANTI-HASINA IRESheikh Hasina returned to power for a fourth consecutive term in January 2024. The election was boycotted by the BNP, the main opposition party, and was alleged to have been extremely rigged and were tired of the corrupt regime, but enforced disappearances by the establishment forced people to stay silent. The brutal Aynaghar torture or the fear of it forced some of the best brains to flee Bangladesh. The government was seen to be working just for Hasina cronies and Awami this, the Bangladesh High Court's decision in June to reinstate a quota that would reserve 30% of the civil service jobs for descendants of 1971 War veterans, seen as Hasina backers, lit the took to the streets in a country where a government job is seen by millions as the only way out of poverty. The protests gained momentum in July, and Hasina's branding the students "Razakar", a highly despicable term in Bangladesh, acted like a catalyst. The protests spread across mid-July, Chhatra League members, along with the police, were fighting the protesters on the streets of Dhaka. On July 16, six protesters, including 25-year-old student Abu Sayed, were killed by police firing."For the Hasina government, after July 17, it was all about crushing the movement. People retaliated, and then the regime started killing people indiscriminately," says Salam, who has been living in Australia in a self-imposed exile for a image of Abu Sayed inviting bullets with open arms went on to define the protests. Videos of brutal attacks and killings of protesters unnerved all sections of Bangladeshi society."Urban guerilla tactics work by creating victims, and fighting the war around them," says the political commentator from tried to buy peace by promising a probe, but the situation had spiralled out of control. On August 3, the Students Against Discrimination came out with a single-point demand -- Sheikh Hasina's organic protests do not last beyond days without support from established political or civil structures. That the students-led agitation and the students themselves survived and fought for weeks pointed at the role of political parties and the military in the fall of Hasina. A student of English literature, Abu Sayed defiantly stood with a stick in his hand before he was shot and killed at close range by the police. (Image: Social Media) advertisementMASTANS OF BNP, JAMAAT PROVIDED STREET MUSCLEPolitical parties like the BNP and the Jamaat, facing political suppression, had been emaciated. Such was the situation, that the Jamaat didn't manage to even unlock its sealed office in Dhaka over the students' protest gave the parties the much-needed oxygen, and they used the students' agitation to launch a full-scale attack on the Hasina apparatus."After July 19, police were attacked not by university students, but by BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami activists and daily-waged labourers who had joined in the protests by then," Salam tells India Today evidence of that, the activist points to a video of protesters chasing away a team of security personnel in five vans, which went viral."You can see one person starts running at the police, and then a crowd follows him and starts chasing the cops. The person who first started chasing the cops was later identified as a BNP member. This was the case in most instances. Those leading the attacks against cops were either BNP or Jamaat members or daily-waged labourers," says says among all the political parties, the BNP counts the highest number of dead activists during the July-August agitation for a reason."Parties like the BNP had seasoned leadership who were battle-hardened and knew how to survive and fight government machinery. The young student leaders brought political innocence into the play and attracted the masses, and the BNP and the Jamaat provided street credibility and muscle," Rabbee tells India Today political parties like the BNP also arranged physical safety and safe houses for the student leaders when they were on the says the Hasina government, which had dealt with online activists, was spooked by two things -- shut down of remittances by Bangladeshi expats and attacks on police stations."People attacking the cops was an escalation that showed that the movement was in the next phase. The retaliation was evidence that the fear of the Hasina regime was gone, and it could be toppled," explains goes on to show that it wasn't the students who were mostly involved in the street warfare was that the worst violence took place after Hasina fled Bangladesh on August 5. There were political reprisal killings in which scores of Awami League and Chhatra League leaders were massacred."Members of Islamist organisations and Jamaat members were at the forefront when it came to attacking cops and Awami League leaders. They followed urban guerilla tactics to bring down the Hasina government, and exact revenge after that," said the Dhaka-based had descended into lawlessness and chaos for days after the fall of the Hasina regime, and the army had to step in. Following Hasina's flight, the Bangladeshi army took control, and oversaw the transition of power amidst the chaos. (AFP Image) BANGLADESH ARMY'S NOT TO SHOOT DECISION WAS GAMECHANGERWaker-Uz-Zaman was appointed Bangladesh Army Chief in June 2024, when the country was already a relative of Hasina, operated with fairness during the entire agitation, according to multiple then, protests had even started in Defence Officers Housing Society areas in Dhaka. This was unprecedented because military officers were pampered by Hasina and their children brought up in relative affluence."Hasina not only took care of the military with unprecedented largesse, but she also changed the Constitution to deter political intervention by the military, making it a crime of high treason," says lower-rung officers and sepoys, like some of the civilian officials, had by then gone into a civil-disobedience mode. That was a result of news of young relatives falling prey to bullets, sources told India Today August 4, with the Hasina government finding itself embattled with millions ready for the long March to Dhaka a day later, a shoot-at-sight curfew was in a meeting with the top Army commanders on August 4, decided that his force would not shoot at protesters. This, and the reports of military officers unwilling to act against protesters earlier, boosted the confidence of the of thousands started pouring into Dhaka at daybreak on August 5. That is when General Zaman visited Hasina and asked her to board the military helicopter and save her life."Ultimately the military had to force her collapse, mostly because the sheer number of people on Dhaka's streets with bricks and sticks were simply multiple folds of the count of ammunition the security establishment had at their disposal," says only did the army take a hands-off approach, some lower-ranking military personnel were also looking at options to bring down the regime if Hasina lasted beyond August 5."A military official told me he considered resigning and arming civilians for urban guerrilla warfare if Hasina had not fled on August 5," says activist-writer Salam, adding, "This tells you this was a civil war situation." Students chanted anti-Hasina slogans near Dhaka University after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was forced to flee. (AFP Image) HASINA'S BANGLADESH EXIT NOT JUST DUE TO STUDENTS AGITATIONThough students were the ones who started the fire, but it became an inferno because political parties and Islamist organisations added their muscle to the in morgue and those injured reveal the extent to which political and religious outfits participated in the street cheers that greeted the army and personnel flashing the victory sign also reveal that the military ensured a transfer of power in what can be interpreted as a coup-de-lite, albeit in the face of a massive people's movement."Hasina's regime collapsed because, towards the end, it became fashionable for all segments of Bangladeshi society to resist her, which includes laypersons, the political class, the military and even her cronies, who, towards the end, played their cards in such a way that the regime collapsed," sums up Rabbee.- EndsMust Watch


India.com
30 minutes ago
- India.com
Pakistan Air Force: The mysterious 70-year-old US software behind PAF's power, used against India during..., name is...
Pakistan Air Force: The mysterious 70-year-old US software behind PAF's power, used against India during..., name is... Operation Sindoor by the Indian Air Force was not just a military mission, it became a symbol of India's smart planning, advanced technology, and strong strategy. Under this operation, the Indian Army carried out precise and powerful airstrikes on terrorist camps in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). India used its latest fighter jet, the Rafale, in the operation. The Rafale jets were able to dodge Pakistan's air defence systems and hit their targets accurately. The most surprising part? Pakistan didn't even realize they were under attack until the Indian planes had already completed their mission and returned. Though Pakistani media and officials are trying to deny the attack, satellite images and reports from global defence experts clearly show that Operation Sindoor was a serious military blow for Pakistan. J-10CE vs Rafale After Operation Sindoor, Pakistan claimed that its Chinese-made J-10CE fighter jets had matched up to India's Rafale jets. But did that really happen? According to Quwa, a website that covers defence issues, the strength of Pakistan's Air Force doesn't lie in new jets, but in the old training systems provided by the US. Back in the 1950s, the U.S. gave Pakistan aircraft like the F-86 Sabre along with a full operational software system that included pilot training, squadron management, and technical infrastructure. But in real combat, what matters more than training and tech is strategy, precision, and the will to win. On one hand, Rafale jets come with advanced features like: The ability to attack multiple targets at once Low observability (making it hard to detect) The deadly Meteor air-to-air missile, known for long-range accuracy On the other hand, Pakistan's J-10CE is simply a new toy, bought from China, but not tested in serious real-world combat. Rafale has proven itself in real war situations While Pakistan's J-10CE may look strong on paper, its real-world battle experience is still untested. In contrast, India's Rafale jets have already shown their strength in actual combat scenarios, be it the preparedness after Kargil or the Balakot airstrike. Now, let's talk about the mysterious 'software system' that websites like Quwa often mention. According to Quwa, back in 1950, under the Mutual Defense Assistance Program (MDAP), the United States not only gave Pakistan advanced fighter aircraft but also shared a complete Air Force management system. This included: A Depot-Level Maintenance system Strict flight safety protocols Separate departments for Operations, Maintenance, and Administration This system helped Pakistan build a structured and disciplined Air Force. Air Marshal Asghar Khan played a key role in putting this system into action. In fact, the Air Force headquarters was moved from Rawalpindi to Peshawar to give it a separate identity from the army.