
How ancient groves, sacred rites and regional varieties shaped India's eternal obsession with mangoes
For all of our innumerable comestibles, nothing generates excitement in India like the mango. It can't be just the sweet taste of fruity flesh. No gustatory appeal can explain the unequalled hysteria over the mango.
Does any fruit or plant have a comparable relationship with a country as does the mango with India? The cherry blossom in Japan? While the earliest references to sakura go back more than a thousand years, hanami or the viewing of flowers became a national-level mega event only after the Meiji restoration in 1871.
The mango blossom in India? Emperors were advertising their sponsorship of mango groves in the third century BCE. Ancient Sanskrit literature depicts Indians going mad over the mango flower in communal revelry and festivities that are difficult to imagine today. Sports competitions, communal intoxication and ecstatic dance and music was linked with what was perhaps ancient India's greatest celebration, the two-month-long spring festival, Vasantotsava. Its symbol was the mango flower, also the sign of good luck in the new year, since most lunar calendars began in the spring, when the mango flowers. Really, the Olympic games of ancient Greece might struggle to compete for scale.
Sure, Canada has the maple leaf on its flag since 1965, and its maple symbolism goes back to the 19th century. But the Ashoka Chakra on our flag—itself going back to the Mauryan times—is an interpretation of Gautam Buddha's Dharmachakra, first articulated in a deer park that is now Sarnath. The first drafts of our great sceptical traditions like Buddhism and Jainism were created and preached in ancient mango groves of the Gangetic plains, in which ascetics like Gautama Buddha and Mahavira spent their lives. When the Chinese monk Hiuen Tsang (or Xuanzang) visited Sarnath in 637 CE, he saw above the 200-foot vihara the golden figure of a mango fruit, representing the Buddha.
FRUIT WITH ANCIENT ROOTS
From history to taste. The thorny (and stinky) durian fruit is a worthy adversary to India's mango. It is called the king of fruits in Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand. There are even a few festivals to celebrate its taste, which has an immense appeal in the region; its popularity has expanded to China recently. But almost every Indian city must have its signature mango festival, if not multiple festivals. For all its exquisite taste, the durian struggles to compete with the mango's varietal wealth and range of tastes and flavours. Just one species, Mangifera indica, had 1,682 documented cultivars across the world in 2010; India has more than a thousand. Two researchers found signs of mango residue on kitchen implements from a site of the Indus Valley Civilisation, dated to 2600-2200 BCE.
Sure, the apple has even more varieties—upwards of 7,000—and is grown extensively across the world's temperate climes. It features in ancient accounts from China to Greece. But the apple's role is primarily that of a fruit. In ancient accounts, the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge is not the apple. It is undefined in the Old Testament; it is wheat or gandum in the Islamic canon. The connection between the apple and the Fall of Adam and Eve owes to painters of the European renaissance; this happened after the modern apple was derived from landraces and spread across Europe in the middle ages. A temperate fruit that evolved to resist the cold, the apple is stored and transported across the world in cold chains. For all its varietal wealth, you will not find an apple that tastes like a mango; yet, in Karnataka, you can taste a mango that tastes like apples. And you don't need to say 'a mango a day keeps the doctor away". The mango doesn't need an appeal to hypochondria. It commands attention by offering pleasure supreme.
Also Read From Konkan's Alphonso to Andhra's Imam Pasand, why are Indian mangoes losing their sweet spot?
Neither the durian nor the apple can hold a fruit-scented candle to the intensity and scope of the mango's cultural appeal across India, nay, South Asia. (For good measure, you can throw into the bargain the guava of Latin America and bananas of all sorts). The mango can sustain entire departments of cultural studies. There are numerous books and articles just on the cultural history of the mango and its presence in the arts.
TURN OVER AN OLD LEAF
Consider the mango leaf. The toran or bandhanwar hung on the doors of Hindu households for any auspicious occasion is merely a string of mango leaves; the purnakalasha with mango leaves sanctifies every auspicious occasion; festoons of mango leaves are essential for the wedding mandap; and customs of marrying mango trees are found in tribal and non-tribal groups. (In Bahraich, Uttar Pradesh, it has been absorbed into the cult of Ghazi Miyan, who is symbolically married under a mango tree during his urs.)
In several communities across India, a proper cremation meant the cutting down of a seedling mango tree to make a funeral pyre. Even today, in havans across the country, the sacred fire is made of mango wood (you can buy it off e-commerce sites now). Since each part of the mango tree has so many uses, planting a mango was a deed of great punya (virtue/merit); each generation planted mango trees to be used by generations to come.
When you peek into the traditions of India's forest-dwelling tribes, the mango's role becomes even more central. It is a sacred tree, the most common embodiment of the (unspecified) Kalpavriksha, the tree of wish-fulfilment and plenitude that emerged from the churning of the ocean in the Puranic Samudra Manthan story. Yet it is not as sacred as the banyan or the sacred fig. It can be cut, harvested, grafted, manoeuvred, sacrificed, celebrated, enjoyed. The mango bears fruits sacred and profane. It is linked with all manner of reformers, sages, deities. It's not just Jainism or Buddhism that thrived in mango groves. All Puranic and Tantric traditions overflow with references to the mango.
THE TREE OF THE GOD OF DESIRE
Early Vedic accounts don't mention the mango. But no deity is as closely linked to the mango as Kamadeva, a Vedic deity. Depicted as a fetching young man, he is the divinity of desire, pleasure, wish-fulfilment, love, sex and procreation. (His Greco-Roman counterparts are Eros and Cupid.) He is Brahma's first-born, emerging from the creator's mind, charged with spreading love.
This he does by shooting arrows made of five flowers: ashoka, lotus, lily, jasmine and—his weapon of choice—mango. His bow is made of sugarcane; the string is made of honeybees. He rides a brightly coloured parakeet. His wife is Rati, goddess of sexual pleasure, also called Priti, meaning love. Their children are Harsha (joy) and Yasha (fame/glory). His friend is Vasanta (spring), the king of seasons. He is linked to Shringar or adornment, the king of the nine rasas.
Kamadeva comes with more names than the number of mango varieties you can count; each name has an elaborate backstory. After he shot an arrow of mango flower at Shiva, he was burnt for his mischievous ways. The world turned loveless. Rati, along with Parvati, pleaded to Shiva; he revived Kamadeva on the condition that the trouble-making god remain invisible, existing only in spirit. Each year, however, in the festival of spring, the god of love becomes embodied in the mango's inflorescence.
Also Read Shahi litchi, Bihar's pride, is wilting. What went wrong?
One of his names is Madana, meaning intoxicating. Baur means flower in many northern languages; unless specified, it means the mango flower and the spring festival. The baur or mango flowers have been driving India seasonally crazy for thousands of years, to the point that the verb baurana means going crazy with joy in several languages. Another name for the two-month Vasantotsava was Madanotsava, the season to go mad with joy and desire. The mango flowers provided the enabling backdrop of seduction, driving human procreation. The fertility of the spring flowers produces the fruit in the summer.
*****
Indian pupils tend to dilate at the mere mention of the mango. Most people lapse into nostalgia, drawing emotional connections from their childhood. They rapture on about the mango's connections with their family relations, without actually knowing what's driving them on. We absorb cultural memes unquestioningly, lacking any knowledge of their hows and whys.
We grow up feeling excited about mangoes without an awareness of their connection with Kamadeva (and desire) or the Buddha (and victory over desire). 'Mango, the king of fruits", is a common essay topic in our primary and secondary schools. It doesn't disappear with age.
It isn't enough to get your favourite mangoes and consume them; you will feel compelled to let others know of it. (Cue reels and posts on social media.) Not just that, either. Many feel the compulsion to run down other mangoes, others' mangoes. The IPL season is now followed by the Indian Mangivory League, a season with its own breathless commentators and an assortment of cheerleaders. Look up #MangoWars on social media. To insult a person or a region, you merely need to put down their signature mango varieties. You cannot insult a person or a city or a region by insulting its apples and oranges. The mango shoulders burdens other fruits cannot imagine. Bengaluru-based scholar and author Venu Madhav Govindu calls it 'mango chauvinism", adding that in our pop culture, the mango is like cricket; everybody has an opinion on it without actually knowing it.
Our age has fangled a weird variant of this peculiar Indian compulsion. Almost all mango talk centres on 'varieties". (It becomes varietiyaan in Uttar Pradesh). The number of varieties is very important to underscore range. Each of the innumerable mango festivals held each summer advertises the number of varieties it showcases. You can impress other people by the number of varieties you have tasted. Growers make it a point to let you know that they have trees of this many varieties.
The other side of this varietal discourse is the exclusivity of special types of mangoes. For example, in Mumbai or Pune, you will meet people claiming the Alphonso or Hapus is the king of all mangoes, which itself is the king of all fruits. Be tolerant! They are riffing off essays they wrote in school, padding it with the most readily accessible cliches. For example, a well-educated and knowledgeable man in Goa said it was the Portuguese who brought the mango to India. In Karnataka, you will hear the claim that Tipu Sultan brought the fine mangoes grown there from Iran. Fictional stories find a lot more purchase than non-fiction built on research.
HAPUS HYSTERIA
Now the Alphonso is a very fine mango, indeed. But not all Hapus are the same. The produce from Sindhudurg and Ratnagiri districts is particularly prized. But even in the orchards of Konkan, there's a difference in the taste of mangoes growing in different parts of the same orchard. Growers will tell you that the finest Hapus come from trees planted in holes blasted into the weathered laterite hard rock (kaatal in Marathi).
This practice began only in the 1960s; it came from agricultural scientists looking to grow something of value in the otherwise unproductive hard rock. Trees here do not bear too many fruits, especially when compared to those growing in the valleys or greener surroundings. Their fruits are more vulnerable to 'spongy tissue", a disorder peculiar to the Alphonso. That's because the conditions are terribly harsh for trees growing in the sea-facing rocks. It is much hotter than in the valleys, not to mention the stiff offshore winds. But it's such trees, facing hostile conditions, that produce the finest Hapus.
Your neighbourhood Mumbaikar or Puneri is unlikely to know this. He or she buys the mango off the market and basks in the reflected hype. They don't realise how this hysteria is destroying the object of their love. In their desperation to recover investments, mango growers resort to unscrupulous use of synthetic chemicals for a range of reasons. Such market-driven compulsions have dramatically hit the quality of not just the Alphonso but almost all prized varieties across the country over the past decade or two.
Pesticide residues lead to rejection of export consignments, besides forcing people to consume small amounts of these poisons each time they have a mango. Traders wish to hit the markets with the season's produce as early as possible in the season. They pressure the growers to harvest early, before the fruits have matured. This unripe fruit is collected and sold by a string of wholesalers to retailers. The retailers ripen the fruit and sell it to the customers. A bulk of Alphonso retailers in Mumbai come from eastern Uttar Pradesh (UP) just for the mango season, living in small rented accommodations, sleeping in hammocks above ripening fruits. Many of them ripen the fruit using banned chemicals—because it's faster. The greater the hype, the more short-cuts are taken at each level of the value chain.
A MANGO BY ANOTHER NAME
Then there is the obsession over the names of mango varieties. Social media is awash with mango maps of India, locating and allocating mango varieties by region. Such maps are circulated widely. Each map has several errors of name and location.
For example, some might tell you that the Langda and the Malda are different varieties. You can let them know that the variety is called 'Laingda" in Malda district of West Bengal. It's in Bihar that the same variety is called Malda or Maldah, and another name for it is Kapooriya, which itself is used for a few other varieties. In western UP, the variety again becomes known as Langda.
Some names are terribly confusing, like Safeda and Badam. Benishan, a variety from Andhra Pradesh (AP), is sold across the country. It is called Badam in Maharashtra and Safeda in northern India. But in AP, Telangana and Karnataka, Badam means Alphonso. And there is another variety called Badam in many parts of southern India. Since the Benishan is believed to have originated in an orchard of Banginapalle, it is also known by the name of the village. Meanwhile, the Safeda is actually a small-sized variety from Malihabad near Lucknow, but in Delhi and Punjab, it is called Dinga.
In mango maps circulated each summer, you might see different entries for Siroli, Bambai, Bambaiya and Bombay Green. This is the same variety, which shows slightly different traits from region to region, quite like the Langda/Malda. In fact, in northern Bihar, there is a red-and-yellow tinged variety called Durga Bhog, which is a kind of Bambai. In AP, a different mango is called Siroli. Several mangoes that have a red-coloured tinge get called Surkha or Sindura, although there are separate varieties by both names.
You might see Amrapali located in Odisha and Mallika located in Karnataka, for their respective popularity in each state. Both these varieties were developed in the 1970s on the campus of the Indian Agricultural Research Institute (IARI) in Delhi. Both are crosses of Dashehri from UP and Neelam from Tamil Nadu. But Neelam is used for different varieties in other parts of the country. People can identify a handful of mango types they have seen. Residents of Mumbai don't get to taste the best mangoes from Goa, Gujarat or Karnataka, forget about faraway regions.
People in UP have no idea about the finest mangoes of Bihar. In the two districts of Champaran is grown a small, plump variety called Zarda. It is not known across the border in eastern UP. Darbhanga in northern Bihar and Murshidabad in West Bengal are perhaps the two greatest centres in the history of fine mangoes. The variety of tastes and flavours in mangoes here is astounding. Yet you will not even hear of Champa, Rani Pasand, Bimli or Kohitoor outside of Murshidabad. Bihar has two popular varieties that come very late: Sipiya and Sukul. Both are deeply loved and sought after in Bihar. Outside, they are not known.
In fact, along with Bihar, AP is the only state where sucking-type mangoes have a commanding presence. Like in Bihar, people from AP and Telangana love their juicy mangoes consumed by the bucket. Even their names are poetic: Panchadhara Kalasham (sugar pot), Pandhurivari Mamidi (mango from Pandhuri-side), and there are a range of Rasalu-type varieties. If you look at the map of the mango's genetic diversity, six out of the seven regions with a wealth of wild mangoes are in eastern or southern India (see box below).
Most of the country has forgotten the joys of juicy sucking-type mangoes, in favour of table-type varieties that now dominate the market. IARI scientists have a list of 24 varieties that have commercial value. A few of these get discussed, most are not mentioned. Even within this narrow range, the best mangoes seldom go far from where they are grown.
If you truly enjoy your mangoes and are willing go the distance for fine taste, there's still only one way: make friends with mango-growers and get mature but unripe mangoes from them; thereafter, ripen them carefully at home. We need to actually earn our mangoes.
*****
The real reason we get so excited about the mango doesn't lie in classical Sanskrit dramas, or the ancient sceptical schools of asceticism, or the outstanding Mughal stewardship of orchards that produce fine fruits, or the commendable horticultural skills of Jesuit priests in 16th century Goa. It has to do with the mango's pivotal role in ordinary life. For most of history, our cities and villages were dotted with mango groves on common lands, often called amrai. These offered a lot much more than fruits or flowers or leaves or timber. They were the central infrastructure of community life. Amrais were so dense, sunlight never penetrated them; the mango has been the preferred shade tree of this hot country since forever.
The amrai is where all manner of community activities occurred. This is where wedding parties or baraat (a contraction of var-yatra or the groom's travelling party) stayed. Weddings were solemnised in amrais. From wrestling competitions to beit-bazi contests, from dance and music to feasts associated with varied festivals. And, of course, the mango grove was central to the spring festivities of Vasantotsava and its numerous events like Holi. The fruit was one of many joys that came from mango groves.
In the peak of summer in northern India, many people spent all their time in mango groves; in a time without electricity, fans or air-conditioners, these were cooler than any other parts of villages. This was happening till the 1970s. (Remember Basanti and Veeru cavorting in the mango grove of the 1975 blockbuster Sholay.) Naturally, the mango was associated with community joy and celebration, in cities as well as villages. From the spring festivities of the ancient times, to the weddings of modern India.
Apart from all the innumerable uses of the mango tree, its groves were the centres of community life and collective joy. Till two or three generations ago. Under British colonial rule, zamindars began felling these groves. Whatever remained was cut down after India's independence, either for land distribution or encroachment. The excitement over the mango has to do with matters far bigger than fine fruits. It has to do with the community life and joy that we have lost as a people.
The memory of that joy, however, hasn't gone, even as the groves have all been cut down. We try to find it in mangoes grown and traded with utter indifference in orchards owned by absentee landlords. If you listen carefully, you can hear a dirge under the breathless commentary over the mango.
That's why the mango. That's why nothing else.
An independent journalist in Delhi, Sopan Joshi is the author of Mangifera indica: A Biography of the Mango (2024).
Also Read How safe is the food on your plate?

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How ancient groves, sacred rites and regional varieties shaped India's eternal obsession with mangoes
Why the mango? What is it about this fruit? For all of our innumerable comestibles, nothing generates excitement in India like the mango. It can't be just the sweet taste of fruity flesh. No gustatory appeal can explain the unequalled hysteria over the mango. Does any fruit or plant have a comparable relationship with a country as does the mango with India? The cherry blossom in Japan? While the earliest references to sakura go back more than a thousand years, hanami or the viewing of flowers became a national-level mega event only after the Meiji restoration in 1871. The mango blossom in India? Emperors were advertising their sponsorship of mango groves in the third century BCE. Ancient Sanskrit literature depicts Indians going mad over the mango flower in communal revelry and festivities that are difficult to imagine today. Sports competitions, communal intoxication and ecstatic dance and music was linked with what was perhaps ancient India's greatest celebration, the two-month-long spring festival, Vasantotsava. Its symbol was the mango flower, also the sign of good luck in the new year, since most lunar calendars began in the spring, when the mango flowers. Really, the Olympic games of ancient Greece might struggle to compete for scale. Sure, Canada has the maple leaf on its flag since 1965, and its maple symbolism goes back to the 19th century. But the Ashoka Chakra on our flag—itself going back to the Mauryan times—is an interpretation of Gautam Buddha's Dharmachakra, first articulated in a deer park that is now Sarnath. The first drafts of our great sceptical traditions like Buddhism and Jainism were created and preached in ancient mango groves of the Gangetic plains, in which ascetics like Gautama Buddha and Mahavira spent their lives. When the Chinese monk Hiuen Tsang (or Xuanzang) visited Sarnath in 637 CE, he saw above the 200-foot vihara the golden figure of a mango fruit, representing the Buddha. FRUIT WITH ANCIENT ROOTS From history to taste. The thorny (and stinky) durian fruit is a worthy adversary to India's mango. It is called the king of fruits in Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand. There are even a few festivals to celebrate its taste, which has an immense appeal in the region; its popularity has expanded to China recently. But almost every Indian city must have its signature mango festival, if not multiple festivals. For all its exquisite taste, the durian struggles to compete with the mango's varietal wealth and range of tastes and flavours. Just one species, Mangifera indica, had 1,682 documented cultivars across the world in 2010; India has more than a thousand. Two researchers found signs of mango residue on kitchen implements from a site of the Indus Valley Civilisation, dated to 2600-2200 BCE. Sure, the apple has even more varieties—upwards of 7,000—and is grown extensively across the world's temperate climes. It features in ancient accounts from China to Greece. But the apple's role is primarily that of a fruit. In ancient accounts, the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge is not the apple. It is undefined in the Old Testament; it is wheat or gandum in the Islamic canon. The connection between the apple and the Fall of Adam and Eve owes to painters of the European renaissance; this happened after the modern apple was derived from landraces and spread across Europe in the middle ages. A temperate fruit that evolved to resist the cold, the apple is stored and transported across the world in cold chains. For all its varietal wealth, you will not find an apple that tastes like a mango; yet, in Karnataka, you can taste a mango that tastes like apples. And you don't need to say 'a mango a day keeps the doctor away". The mango doesn't need an appeal to hypochondria. It commands attention by offering pleasure supreme. Also Read From Konkan's Alphonso to Andhra's Imam Pasand, why are Indian mangoes losing their sweet spot? Neither the durian nor the apple can hold a fruit-scented candle to the intensity and scope of the mango's cultural appeal across India, nay, South Asia. (For good measure, you can throw into the bargain the guava of Latin America and bananas of all sorts). The mango can sustain entire departments of cultural studies. There are numerous books and articles just on the cultural history of the mango and its presence in the arts. TURN OVER AN OLD LEAF Consider the mango leaf. The toran or bandhanwar hung on the doors of Hindu households for any auspicious occasion is merely a string of mango leaves; the purnakalasha with mango leaves sanctifies every auspicious occasion; festoons of mango leaves are essential for the wedding mandap; and customs of marrying mango trees are found in tribal and non-tribal groups. (In Bahraich, Uttar Pradesh, it has been absorbed into the cult of Ghazi Miyan, who is symbolically married under a mango tree during his urs.) In several communities across India, a proper cremation meant the cutting down of a seedling mango tree to make a funeral pyre. Even today, in havans across the country, the sacred fire is made of mango wood (you can buy it off e-commerce sites now). Since each part of the mango tree has so many uses, planting a mango was a deed of great punya (virtue/merit); each generation planted mango trees to be used by generations to come. When you peek into the traditions of India's forest-dwelling tribes, the mango's role becomes even more central. It is a sacred tree, the most common embodiment of the (unspecified) Kalpavriksha, the tree of wish-fulfilment and plenitude that emerged from the churning of the ocean in the Puranic Samudra Manthan story. Yet it is not as sacred as the banyan or the sacred fig. It can be cut, harvested, grafted, manoeuvred, sacrificed, celebrated, enjoyed. The mango bears fruits sacred and profane. It is linked with all manner of reformers, sages, deities. It's not just Jainism or Buddhism that thrived in mango groves. All Puranic and Tantric traditions overflow with references to the mango. THE TREE OF THE GOD OF DESIRE Early Vedic accounts don't mention the mango. But no deity is as closely linked to the mango as Kamadeva, a Vedic deity. Depicted as a fetching young man, he is the divinity of desire, pleasure, wish-fulfilment, love, sex and procreation. (His Greco-Roman counterparts are Eros and Cupid.) He is Brahma's first-born, emerging from the creator's mind, charged with spreading love. This he does by shooting arrows made of five flowers: ashoka, lotus, lily, jasmine and—his weapon of choice—mango. His bow is made of sugarcane; the string is made of honeybees. He rides a brightly coloured parakeet. His wife is Rati, goddess of sexual pleasure, also called Priti, meaning love. Their children are Harsha (joy) and Yasha (fame/glory). His friend is Vasanta (spring), the king of seasons. He is linked to Shringar or adornment, the king of the nine rasas. Kamadeva comes with more names than the number of mango varieties you can count; each name has an elaborate backstory. After he shot an arrow of mango flower at Shiva, he was burnt for his mischievous ways. The world turned loveless. Rati, along with Parvati, pleaded to Shiva; he revived Kamadeva on the condition that the trouble-making god remain invisible, existing only in spirit. Each year, however, in the festival of spring, the god of love becomes embodied in the mango's inflorescence. Also Read Shahi litchi, Bihar's pride, is wilting. What went wrong? One of his names is Madana, meaning intoxicating. Baur means flower in many northern languages; unless specified, it means the mango flower and the spring festival. The baur or mango flowers have been driving India seasonally crazy for thousands of years, to the point that the verb baurana means going crazy with joy in several languages. Another name for the two-month Vasantotsava was Madanotsava, the season to go mad with joy and desire. The mango flowers provided the enabling backdrop of seduction, driving human procreation. The fertility of the spring flowers produces the fruit in the summer. ***** Indian pupils tend to dilate at the mere mention of the mango. Most people lapse into nostalgia, drawing emotional connections from their childhood. They rapture on about the mango's connections with their family relations, without actually knowing what's driving them on. We absorb cultural memes unquestioningly, lacking any knowledge of their hows and whys. We grow up feeling excited about mangoes without an awareness of their connection with Kamadeva (and desire) or the Buddha (and victory over desire). 'Mango, the king of fruits", is a common essay topic in our primary and secondary schools. It doesn't disappear with age. It isn't enough to get your favourite mangoes and consume them; you will feel compelled to let others know of it. (Cue reels and posts on social media.) Not just that, either. Many feel the compulsion to run down other mangoes, others' mangoes. The IPL season is now followed by the Indian Mangivory League, a season with its own breathless commentators and an assortment of cheerleaders. Look up #MangoWars on social media. To insult a person or a region, you merely need to put down their signature mango varieties. You cannot insult a person or a city or a region by insulting its apples and oranges. The mango shoulders burdens other fruits cannot imagine. Bengaluru-based scholar and author Venu Madhav Govindu calls it 'mango chauvinism", adding that in our pop culture, the mango is like cricket; everybody has an opinion on it without actually knowing it. Our age has fangled a weird variant of this peculiar Indian compulsion. Almost all mango talk centres on 'varieties". (It becomes varietiyaan in Uttar Pradesh). The number of varieties is very important to underscore range. Each of the innumerable mango festivals held each summer advertises the number of varieties it showcases. You can impress other people by the number of varieties you have tasted. Growers make it a point to let you know that they have trees of this many varieties. The other side of this varietal discourse is the exclusivity of special types of mangoes. For example, in Mumbai or Pune, you will meet people claiming the Alphonso or Hapus is the king of all mangoes, which itself is the king of all fruits. Be tolerant! They are riffing off essays they wrote in school, padding it with the most readily accessible cliches. For example, a well-educated and knowledgeable man in Goa said it was the Portuguese who brought the mango to India. In Karnataka, you will hear the claim that Tipu Sultan brought the fine mangoes grown there from Iran. Fictional stories find a lot more purchase than non-fiction built on research. HAPUS HYSTERIA Now the Alphonso is a very fine mango, indeed. But not all Hapus are the same. The produce from Sindhudurg and Ratnagiri districts is particularly prized. But even in the orchards of Konkan, there's a difference in the taste of mangoes growing in different parts of the same orchard. Growers will tell you that the finest Hapus come from trees planted in holes blasted into the weathered laterite hard rock (kaatal in Marathi). This practice began only in the 1960s; it came from agricultural scientists looking to grow something of value in the otherwise unproductive hard rock. Trees here do not bear too many fruits, especially when compared to those growing in the valleys or greener surroundings. Their fruits are more vulnerable to 'spongy tissue", a disorder peculiar to the Alphonso. That's because the conditions are terribly harsh for trees growing in the sea-facing rocks. It is much hotter than in the valleys, not to mention the stiff offshore winds. But it's such trees, facing hostile conditions, that produce the finest Hapus. Your neighbourhood Mumbaikar or Puneri is unlikely to know this. He or she buys the mango off the market and basks in the reflected hype. They don't realise how this hysteria is destroying the object of their love. In their desperation to recover investments, mango growers resort to unscrupulous use of synthetic chemicals for a range of reasons. Such market-driven compulsions have dramatically hit the quality of not just the Alphonso but almost all prized varieties across the country over the past decade or two. Pesticide residues lead to rejection of export consignments, besides forcing people to consume small amounts of these poisons each time they have a mango. Traders wish to hit the markets with the season's produce as early as possible in the season. They pressure the growers to harvest early, before the fruits have matured. This unripe fruit is collected and sold by a string of wholesalers to retailers. The retailers ripen the fruit and sell it to the customers. A bulk of Alphonso retailers in Mumbai come from eastern Uttar Pradesh (UP) just for the mango season, living in small rented accommodations, sleeping in hammocks above ripening fruits. Many of them ripen the fruit using banned chemicals—because it's faster. The greater the hype, the more short-cuts are taken at each level of the value chain. A MANGO BY ANOTHER NAME Then there is the obsession over the names of mango varieties. Social media is awash with mango maps of India, locating and allocating mango varieties by region. Such maps are circulated widely. Each map has several errors of name and location. For example, some might tell you that the Langda and the Malda are different varieties. You can let them know that the variety is called 'Laingda" in Malda district of West Bengal. It's in Bihar that the same variety is called Malda or Maldah, and another name for it is Kapooriya, which itself is used for a few other varieties. In western UP, the variety again becomes known as Langda. Some names are terribly confusing, like Safeda and Badam. Benishan, a variety from Andhra Pradesh (AP), is sold across the country. It is called Badam in Maharashtra and Safeda in northern India. But in AP, Telangana and Karnataka, Badam means Alphonso. And there is another variety called Badam in many parts of southern India. Since the Benishan is believed to have originated in an orchard of Banginapalle, it is also known by the name of the village. Meanwhile, the Safeda is actually a small-sized variety from Malihabad near Lucknow, but in Delhi and Punjab, it is called Dinga. In mango maps circulated each summer, you might see different entries for Siroli, Bambai, Bambaiya and Bombay Green. This is the same variety, which shows slightly different traits from region to region, quite like the Langda/Malda. In fact, in northern Bihar, there is a red-and-yellow tinged variety called Durga Bhog, which is a kind of Bambai. In AP, a different mango is called Siroli. Several mangoes that have a red-coloured tinge get called Surkha or Sindura, although there are separate varieties by both names. You might see Amrapali located in Odisha and Mallika located in Karnataka, for their respective popularity in each state. Both these varieties were developed in the 1970s on the campus of the Indian Agricultural Research Institute (IARI) in Delhi. Both are crosses of Dashehri from UP and Neelam from Tamil Nadu. But Neelam is used for different varieties in other parts of the country. People can identify a handful of mango types they have seen. Residents of Mumbai don't get to taste the best mangoes from Goa, Gujarat or Karnataka, forget about faraway regions. People in UP have no idea about the finest mangoes of Bihar. In the two districts of Champaran is grown a small, plump variety called Zarda. It is not known across the border in eastern UP. Darbhanga in northern Bihar and Murshidabad in West Bengal are perhaps the two greatest centres in the history of fine mangoes. The variety of tastes and flavours in mangoes here is astounding. Yet you will not even hear of Champa, Rani Pasand, Bimli or Kohitoor outside of Murshidabad. Bihar has two popular varieties that come very late: Sipiya and Sukul. Both are deeply loved and sought after in Bihar. Outside, they are not known. In fact, along with Bihar, AP is the only state where sucking-type mangoes have a commanding presence. Like in Bihar, people from AP and Telangana love their juicy mangoes consumed by the bucket. Even their names are poetic: Panchadhara Kalasham (sugar pot), Pandhurivari Mamidi (mango from Pandhuri-side), and there are a range of Rasalu-type varieties. If you look at the map of the mango's genetic diversity, six out of the seven regions with a wealth of wild mangoes are in eastern or southern India (see box below). Most of the country has forgotten the joys of juicy sucking-type mangoes, in favour of table-type varieties that now dominate the market. IARI scientists have a list of 24 varieties that have commercial value. A few of these get discussed, most are not mentioned. Even within this narrow range, the best mangoes seldom go far from where they are grown. If you truly enjoy your mangoes and are willing go the distance for fine taste, there's still only one way: make friends with mango-growers and get mature but unripe mangoes from them; thereafter, ripen them carefully at home. We need to actually earn our mangoes. ***** The real reason we get so excited about the mango doesn't lie in classical Sanskrit dramas, or the ancient sceptical schools of asceticism, or the outstanding Mughal stewardship of orchards that produce fine fruits, or the commendable horticultural skills of Jesuit priests in 16th century Goa. It has to do with the mango's pivotal role in ordinary life. For most of history, our cities and villages were dotted with mango groves on common lands, often called amrai. These offered a lot much more than fruits or flowers or leaves or timber. They were the central infrastructure of community life. Amrais were so dense, sunlight never penetrated them; the mango has been the preferred shade tree of this hot country since forever. The amrai is where all manner of community activities occurred. This is where wedding parties or baraat (a contraction of var-yatra or the groom's travelling party) stayed. Weddings were solemnised in amrais. From wrestling competitions to beit-bazi contests, from dance and music to feasts associated with varied festivals. And, of course, the mango grove was central to the spring festivities of Vasantotsava and its numerous events like Holi. The fruit was one of many joys that came from mango groves. In the peak of summer in northern India, many people spent all their time in mango groves; in a time without electricity, fans or air-conditioners, these were cooler than any other parts of villages. This was happening till the 1970s. (Remember Basanti and Veeru cavorting in the mango grove of the 1975 blockbuster Sholay.) Naturally, the mango was associated with community joy and celebration, in cities as well as villages. From the spring festivities of the ancient times, to the weddings of modern India. Apart from all the innumerable uses of the mango tree, its groves were the centres of community life and collective joy. Till two or three generations ago. Under British colonial rule, zamindars began felling these groves. Whatever remained was cut down after India's independence, either for land distribution or encroachment. The excitement over the mango has to do with matters far bigger than fine fruits. It has to do with the community life and joy that we have lost as a people. The memory of that joy, however, hasn't gone, even as the groves have all been cut down. We try to find it in mangoes grown and traded with utter indifference in orchards owned by absentee landlords. If you listen carefully, you can hear a dirge under the breathless commentary over the mango. That's why the mango. That's why nothing else. An independent journalist in Delhi, Sopan Joshi is the author of Mangifera indica: A Biography of the Mango (2024). Also Read How safe is the food on your plate?


Indian Express
10 hours ago
- Indian Express
The lingua of power: English and the making of modern India
In a modest classroom in Sirsa, Haryana, Abhay Singh Monga practices vowel sounds. He is about to begin his law degree at Panjab University, but before that, he has enrolled in a spoken English course at a private coaching institute. For Abhay, English is more than a language. It is a class marker. 'Without English, people think you are from the backward classes,' he says. 'It is an indication of your standard in life.' His classmate, Pankaj Bansal, a young advocate, echoes the sentiment. 'In court, everything — from paperwork to argumentation — is in English. If you are not confident in the language, you fall behind, no matter how smart you are.' Their teacher, Aanchal Arora, who runs the institute, has seen this pattern often. 'Most of our students come when they hit a ceiling,' she says. 'They are smart, capable, but they feel stuck. They know their career will not move forward without English.' In Delhi, Shivani Chandel, a government school teacher, shares a similar view. 'For many of the middle school students I teach, especially those from lower middle-class backgrounds, learning English is nothing short of a dream,' she says. 'From jobs to entertainment, English is the key to participation in modern life.' But how did this happen? How did the language of the coloniser become the language of ambition, governance, and even resistance? What does it mean for a country to simultaneously resent and revere the same language? This journey begins with the arrival of the East India Company and their bureaucratic need for order. Contrary to popular belief, English did not enter India purely as the language of the Empire; it first arrived in the early 17th century as the language of trade. The East India Company, focused on commerce, needed a practical linguistic bridge. The Company's earliest recruits in India were not scholars or administrators but petty traders and dockside workers, who relied on pidgin forms of English to conduct business in the bazaars. British Orientalist William Jones' 1786 speech comparing Sanskrit with European languages provided a linguistic rationale, but it was utilitarian politics that sealed English's fate. From 1818 to 1835, British Parliament engaged in intense debates over how to govern and educate Indians. Orientalists valued indigenous languages, partly to maintain continuity with traditional elites. Evangelicals, by contrast, saw English as a vessel for moral reform and Christian conversion. But utilitarians like Thomas Babington Macaulay reframed the debate entirely. Language, for them, was neither sacred nor civilising — it was a managerial tool. Macaulay saw English as a means to shape a class of Indians who would be 'interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern' — a buffer class that was intellectually and morally British, but ethnically Indian. Macaulay's 'Minute on Indian Education', presented in 1835, cemented English's primacy. He famously claimed that a single shelf of English literature outweighed all the books ever written in Sanskrit or Arabic. His goal was the production of an elite class — 'Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect.' The debates ultimately led to the implementation of the English Education Act 1835. But as linguist Rukmini Bhaya Nair notes in her 2012 paper, Bringing English into the 21st Century: A View from India, this also enshrined an ideology: that English was synonymous with reason, clarity, and modernity, while Indian languages were branded as 'harsh,' chaotic, or outdated. The story of English in India is more layered than policy or perception alone. As Krishnan Unni P, Professor of English at Deshbandhu College, Delhi University, points out, the roots of English education run deeper than Macaulay's Minute. 'Much before Macaulay,' he says, 'the missionaries were already circulating English through schools, conversions, and other means.' The language's spread, he argues, was closely tied to caste and class hierarchies. 'It started with simple needs,' he says, 'first with commerce, then conversions, and then came Macaulay.' This ideological shift, however, did not go unchallenged. By the mid-19th century, Indian reformers and early nationalists grew uneasy. English offered mobility, but also alienation. Social reformers such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy initially embraced English, but others began to question whether its cost — cultural dislocation — was too high. Still, English had taken root in law courts, universities, and commerce. Among the earliest voices of dissent were those of Mahatma Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore, who, though profoundly different in temperament, shared a common concern: that English was unmooring Indians from their linguistic and cultural soil. Gandhi's Hind Swaraj critiqued English for alienating Indians from their roots: 'To give millions a knowledge of English is to enslave them. The foundation that Macaulay laid of education has enslaved us. I do not suggest that he had any such intention, but that has been the result.' Tagore, in a 1915 essay, Shikshar Bahan, worried: 'When I intently ponder over the spread of education, the main obstacle seems to be the fact that its carrier is English.' Yet, English endured. Jawaharlal Nehru delivered key speeches in English; the Indian Constitution was drafted in it. Even Gandhi's writings eventually made their largest impact in English translation. Could India have realistically de-anglicised? Perhaps. But the choice was never purely linguistic; it was economic, cultural, and political. After 1947, India faced the formidable challenge of choosing a national language, one that could unite a linguistically diverse population without privileging a particular region or caste. While Hindi was promoted as the natural choice, its Sanskritised register raised concerns in the South. The strongest backlash came from Tamil Nadu, where anti-Hindi agitations erupted as early as the 1930s, and then again with far greater intensity in the 1960s. The language debate continued to evolve. In 2004, then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee acknowledged its psychological dimension: 'The real fight is not between Hindi and the regional languages… but between the Indian and English mentality.' A year later, his successor, Manmohan Singh, offered a more inclusive perspective while receiving a degree at Oxford: 'Of all the legacies of the Raj, none is more important than the English language… We have made the language our own… English has been enriched by Indian creativity.' Yet this bilingual compromise remains uneasy. Former Delhi University professor Sumanyu Satpathy remarks that while English was never formally chosen, its persistence reflects practical consensus: 'Nobody imposed English. But Hindi? That was forced, and South India revolted.' The slow embedding of English into the Indian psyche is not merely pedagogical. It is historical, sociological, and deeply political. English in India is a paradox: the language of the coloniser that now signals empowerment, aspiration, and even resistance. British-Indian author Salman Rushdie famously reframed English not as a colonial relic but as a contemporary Indian language. In his 1983 essay, Commonwealth Literature Does Not Exist, Rushdie wrote: 'The children of independent India seem not to think of English as being irredeemably tainted by its colonial provenance… English is an essential language in India… simply to permit two Indians to talk together in a tongue which neither party hates.' Satpathy agrees. 'Even the Sahitya Akademi always considered English an Indian language. Even the Jnanpith Award, which traditionally honoured Indian-language writers, recently went to Amitav Ghosh, which is a major shift.' According to Satpathy, English has been 'remade' in India, stripped of colonial superiority and redeployed as a tool of local expression. In his introduction to The Vintage Book of Indian Writing: 1947-1997, Rushdie reaffirmed this: 'English has become an Indian language. Its colonial origins mean that, like Urdu and unlike all other Indian languages, it has no regional base.' In contemporary India, English remains one of the most powerful gatekeepers of privilege and opportunity. Fluency in the language often draws the line between mobility and marginalisation, between inclusion in the knowledge economy and exclusion from it. 'Where language is concerned, it is the language user who calls the shots,' says Professor Deepti Gupta, former chairperson Department of English and Cultural Studies, Panjab University. 'Initially, when most Indians did not use or understand English, it did become a hegemonic baton wielded by the colonial masters. But India, in its own style and at its own pace, first adopted English, then adapted to it, in order to become adept at it. Today, the imperial power is missing, but very clearly, in certain professions and situations, fluency in English is required for success.' Yet this advantage is not evenly distributed. Nair, in her paper, notes, 'Thirty percent of the Indian population is still illiterate in any language.' The promise of English remains unequally realised, skewed in favour of the urban and upper-caste elite. In metropolitan centres, English-medium education is often a default; in rural areas, it remains a distant dream. The divide is as much about class as it is about geography. The pressure to acquire English fluency is especially acute for women in newly affluent families. Nivedita Gupta, Assistant Professor at Amity University, Noida, recalls her years teaching in Punjab, where many young women enrolled in English programmes not for academic fulfillment but as preparation for the marriage market. 'They were under immense pressure to become symbols of refinement and upward mobility,' she says. 'I saw many of them break down, traumatised by the expectation that English fluency would define their worth in the eyes of prospective in-laws.' And yet, for many, English is not an emblem of elitism, it is the ticket to emancipation. In 2010, Dalits in Uttar Pradesh's Banka village built a temple to worship 'Angrezi Devi' or the 'Goddess of English'. As Satpathy explains, 'They felt that the classical languages of India had kept them oppressed. One way to bypass this long-standing linguistic hegemony was to 'worship' English.' For these communities, English offers an escape from the caste-bound hierarchies. This was also the vision of BR Ambedkar, the architect of the Indian Constitution and one of India's most influential Dalit thinkers. For Ambedkar, English represented a rare neutral ground, a language unfamiliar to all castes, and thus free of the embedded privilege and ritual authority of Sanskritised Hindi. It was, in his view, the only linguistic medium capable of ensuring real equality. 'Major Dalit leaders worship Macaulay. There's even a temple for him,' Satpathy adds. 'They know English empowers them. If they shun English, they'll be left nowhere.' The colonial-era caricature of 'Babu English', mocked for its awkward syntax and mimicry, has lost its sting in today's India. 'The whole term… has to be discarded,' Satpathy argues, pointing to the evolution of English into a dynamic, Indianised form. Deepti, who specialises in applied linguistics, agrees: 'Today, the importance of paralinguistic features stands diluted. This may be due to the tremendous spread of English and the countless variety of Indians using it.' Indian English has evolved into something unmistakably its own and is no longer tethered to colonial correctness. Nair describes this transformation as an act of 'semantic subversion.' From sutta to bindaas, young Indians inject regional idioms, slang, and grammar into English, reshaping it into a language of expression rather than imitation. Such hybridity is not a flaw but a sign of vitality. 'Hybrid forms are always good for the growth and development of a language,' says Professor Deepti Gupta. 'More varieties mean that the language is not at risk of language death and is evolving.' In a multilingual society like India, she adds, this interplay between languages is 'dynamic' and, if encouraged, can enrich both education and expression. However, she also offers a caveat: users must develop 'language intelligence' — the ability to switch registers and choose the appropriate variety for each context. 'For instance, in an interview for a position in a multinational organisation, a candidate cannot use the hybrid form. This is not masked cultural dominance, this is language intelligence.' Cinema, too, reflects this linguistic reorientation. Nivedita observes that 'while Indian cinema historically used refined Hindi and Urdu to evoke sublimity and emotional catharsis, today's films cater to urban, English-speaking elites.' English remains aspirational, but not just for the urban elite. Its reach now cuts across class lines. 'English is a passport to the world of jobs,' says Satpathy. 'Domestic workers send their children to English-medium schools because they see a reward in learning English.' For many, it is a question of survival, access, and the hope of social mobility. English in India today is no longer foreign. It is code-switched, re-invented, accented, and recontextualised, shaped by those who use it, on their terms. Aishwarya Khosla is a journalist currently serving as Deputy Copy Editor at The Indian Express. Her writings examine the interplay of culture, identity, and politics. She began her career at the Hindustan Times, where she covered books, theatre, culture, and the Punjabi diaspora. Her editorial expertise spans the Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Chandigarh, Punjab and Online desks. She was the recipient of the The Nehru Fellowship in Politics and Elections, where she studied political campaigns, policy research, political strategy and communications for a year. She pens The Indian Express newsletter, Meanwhile, Back Home. Write to her at or You can follow her on Instagram: @ink_and_ideology, and X: @KhoslaAishwarya. ... Read More


India Today
11 hours ago
- India Today
No glamour, just grit: Indian student's Reddit post lays bare life in US
As thousands of Indian students prepare to leave for the United States this autumn, a post on Reddit is drawing attention for its blunt but practical view of what lies ahead. Titled 'My honest experience working and grinding in the USA', the post offers a direct account of the challenges international students often face but rarely talk about anonymous author begins by asking readers to reflect before they move. 'Go to a cafe, get a coffee and a notebook, and write down what makes you want to come to the USA,' the post writer stresses that without family and familiar support systems, students must rely on themselves until they build meaningful friendships abroad. The user also emphasised that Americans often carry a sense of superiority and tend to distance themselves from of the first issues the post highlights is housing. Many students pick roommates from WhatsApp groups or social media, which, the writer warns, can lead to difficult or unhealthy living conditions.'Try to have people around you who are supportive and trustworthy. That can affect your mental health,' it post advises students to make the first move when it comes to making friends, especially in the early weeks. It notes that some American cities may feel distant to Indian students, but connecting with fellow Indians on campus can help ease the transition. Career pressure is another focus. 'If you don't grind, it'll be more difficult to look for jobs after graduation,' the author writes. They suggest gaining experience early and putting in consistent effort to stand overall tone is clear, not discouraging. The writer calls the experience one of the best times of their life, despite the demands. They end with a message to incoming students: 'Hope you guys love it here too. My DMs are always open.'In contrast to polished social media content, the post has struck a chord for its honesty. For many students about to begin this journey, it serves as a practical note from someone who has lived through challenges on multiple fronts, the US remains the top choice for Indian students. In 2024 alone, over 2.5 lakh students opted to study in the US across various Reddit posts in the past have also highlighted how, from navigating college campuses to securing a job, the journey has become increasingly difficult after arriving in the US.- Ends