
Cleverly hits out at populist ‘fantasy' amid London mayor bid speculation
Sir James also declined to rule out a bid for City Hall or another run for the party leadership as he was questioned about his political future following his defeat in the contest to replace Rishi Sunak last year.
Appearing at the Institute For Public Policy Research (IPPR) think tank on Tuesday, the senior backbencher called for greater accountability in politics by reducing the 'cloud of quangos' in the system.
Sir James said the 'go-to excuse for populist politicians' is to pretend 'difficult choices and trade-offs don't exist' and attack the Civil Service.
'I have lost count of the number of political gurus who said we should smash the system and start again from scratch,' he told the audience.
'Tempting though that may be, it is totally unrealistic, because all we need to do to deliver that is mobilise the alternative, anti-woke, right-wing civil service that's waiting in the wings to take things over when the Civil Service that we currently have is got rid of.
'Simple. It's also a fantasy. It's a complete nonsense. It's excuse-making, and it's weak.'
Instead, he said further action was needed to tackle the 'tangle of quangos, commissioners, panels advisory bodies, all making decisions, almost none of whom have been voted for, and none of whom can be voted out.'
Delighted to welcome @JamesCleverly to @IPPR – he is arguing for more honesty and more accountability in politics. https://t.co/tZuKPDA5GC pic.twitter.com/z4Z0T8ApqU
— Harry Quilter-Pinner (@harry_qp) July 15, 2025
He warned a 'disconnect between decision-making and accountability' introduces 'moral hazard' and 'erodes the very institutions upon which we rely'.
In a Q&A following the speech, the former Cabinet minister insisted he had 'reconciled' himself to his defeat at the leadership election and would not 'jump' into his next career move as he faced questions about his future.
Asked whether his plans entailed a bid for London mayor, another run for the Tory leadership or remaining on the back benches, he said: 'I like being in government.
'I don't like being in opposition, which is why I'm clear that I will play my part in helping to get Conservatives back into government, at every level of government.
'Exactly what I do next? I've forced a discipline on myself which is not to jump at something.
'I ran for leader. I didn't get it. I reconciled myself to that and I promised myself that I would spend some time thinking about exactly what I would do next.
'I know everyone will write into that 'Cleverly refuses to discount dot dot dot' – nothing I can do about that, you're going to write what you're going to write.
'But the simple fact of the matter is, I am focused on what I've always focused on, which is getting a Conservative government at every level to serve the British people, and that's my mission.'
He sought to strike an optimistic note about the future of the Conservative Party as it flounders in the polls, arguing it is 'the oldest and most successful political movement in human history' because 'we adapt, we evolve, we fight back'.
Sir James acknowledged opinion poll momentum for Reform posed a challenge for the Tories, but insisted Nigel Farage's party faced its own dilemma in seeking to be both 'new' and 'a repository for disgruntled former Conservatives'.
The rise of Reform is not unique to the UK, @JamesCleverly tells @harry_qp.
"'Smash the system' is an excuse, it's an easy way of ducking the problem" he says. pic.twitter.com/me59ht1guh
— IPPR (@IPPR) July 15, 2025
The senior Tory said: 'If their sales pitch is 'we're not like the old political parties', but they are mainly populated with people from my party, it's going to be really hard for them to reconcile that sales pitch.'
He hit out at former party members defecting to Reform, adding: 'I don't think it's smart. I don't think it's right.
'I think people lose credibility, particularly with people who have… very, very recently (stood as Conservatives) who then basically say 'the thing that made me realise I wasn't really a Tory was being booted out of office by the electorate'.'

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We have been experiencing unprecedented levels of non-Christian migration and fertility decline across the West, at a time when many traditional communities are beaten-down and despairing. It would be surprising if there wasn't some kind of reaction, and, indeed, if 'invasion' videos shot in Leicester, Barcelona and East Germany did not essentially share the same narratives. We should not be calm about this memetic war zone. The material I am talking about is, over time, highly effective. It's rhetorical heroin heading straight for the amygdala. You may think you are a rational liberal but, I promise you, after an hour or so of exposure to 'hate the African, hate the Jew, hate the lawyer, hate the Muslim' propaganda, you will be subtly different. After a while, you need an awful lot of time in the neighbourhood to walk it off. Although we have lived through media revolutions before, their effects have often been dramatic. When Johannes Gutenberg brought to Europe the movable-type printing press, he also brought Luther's 95 Theses – eventually the catastrophic Thirty Years' War followed, killing an estimated eight million people. Nearer home, I cannot believe the violence and mutual hatreds of the so-called English Civil War would have been anything like as extreme without those early newspapers and broadsheets spreading fake news of atrocities – the reports of slaughters by Irish Catholics, for instance, helping provoke Cromwell's response. Early-20th century fascism, too, was made possible by the radio. This is bigger. And it is only just beginning. Many of the early attention-hogging online memes were made, Ball reminded me, in the real world with technological wizardry, actors paid to play their part for confrontations in the park, and even aircraft interiors hired to make viral images of fighting passengers. But AI allows amateurs to craft realistic narratives almost from scratch. As the software evolves and becomes more user-friendly, anyone will be able to take their paranoid fantasy and rub it into everyone else's brainpan. We know that the younger you are, the more online you are, and that our form of capitalism has robbed younger people of the chance to own property, and is increasingly robbing them of decent careers. They are being disinherited. Brace for their reaction. And again, it is soft to blame evil outsiders. Just as the Remainer left tried to blame Brexit on Cambridge Analytica, the belief that today's corrupted conversation is largely the fault of Russian agents is too easy. The West's enemies are working with what the West gives them. For the most malign actors, we go to the obvious culprits: the tech bros trying to reshape our politics. The influences on Musk and Peter Thiel are not St Petersburg trolls. They are men like Curtis Yarvin, a blogger turned premier public intellectual of the Trump age, who argues that democracy has failed and must be replaced by a semi-monarchy, and who once dabbled in ugly race science. His thought has been labelled the 'dark enlightenment'. In Silicon Valley's hands these ideas have accelerated fear and race-hatred across the West. This is a complex picture with a tangle of different views. Screenwriter Jesse Armstrong threw himself into the writings and interviews of key figures, including Musk, Mark Zuckerberg and Sam Bankman-Fried for his satirical film Mountainhead. As some fictional titans are relaxing and joshing with one another in a mountaintop winter sports retreat, watching the world burn below them under the influence of extremist memes, they have the 'are we the evil ones?' conversation. One says that the answer wasn't to stop making movies: 'We are gonna show users as much shit as possible till they realise: nothing is that fucking serious. Everything is cool. Have your say, scream your worst, but fucking chill. Nothing means anything and everything is funny and cool.' Armstrong tells me he was mimicking the affectation of nihilism that began in the chaotic, conspiratorial websites 4Chan and 8Chan, which developed the signature 'hey guys, it's all a provocation' trickster tone. But under the affectation of nihilism, Armstrong argues there is a strong ideology. And here comes the lesson. Relative economic decline and mass migration do cause social tensions, and there are difficult discussions to be had about how we handle them. It is neither conspiratorial nor paranoid to say that the state has failed to control migration or to keep the streets properly safe. But we should be in no doubt that we are under a sustained, intentional attack on liberal democracy which has already won victories while those allegedly in charge weren't looking. The battlefields are on the newsfeeds of voters' phones where conventional politics rarely even turns up. This is because of institutional paralysis. No one in the British state dares to take on Trump and the tech provocateurs he protects. Further, as was confirmed by the recent 'reset' summit at Chequers, this government sees AI as the prime solution to most of its problems. It has gone full Tony Blair Institute: this new media revolution is unique in that the same technology disrupting the state is also the tech being embraced by the state as its saviour. We have some useful (if outdated) regulation to protect children. But the chances of an effective British onslaught against misinformation and online hate are nudging zero. There are lesser responses, however. We could rip up the contempt of court rules, injecting a dose of free speech as in countries with a civil law tradition. If jurors are thought capable of sending someone to prison for life, surely they should be believed capable of ignoring online voices? That would squash the idea of there being secret truths 'they' don't want you to know about. Beyond that, the political class has to spend more time engaging on Instagram, TikTok and X, learning how to create memes, and never letting lies go unanswered. We need a frank, non-hysterical attitude to migration, community tensions and race in which the political class engages in a two-way conversation. And the best answer of all: we break our gormless couch-potato addiction to the phones. Easier said, I find, than done. [See also: Donald Trump can't escape Jeffrey Epstein] Related