Iran police arrested 22 for links to Israeli spy services since start of conflict: Reports
'Twenty-two people were identified and arrested on charges of being linked to the Zionist regime's spy services, disturbing public opinion, and supporting the criminal regime,' the agency stated, citing the head of police intelligence in Iran's Qom province.
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It's true that Bashar al-Assad left the palace on the evening of Saturday, December 7, and that Ahmad al-Shara entered it the next day without a single shot being fired in the capital. It's a rare occurrence in history. Even so, the road ahead for the new leadership is neither paved nor smooth. For all the latest headlines follow our Google News channel online or via the app. The road to change from Idlib to Damascus was open because most Syrians – as well as regional and global actors – truly wanted change. But the actual uprooting of the al-Assad regime was a long and bloody process – perhaps one of the most complex transitions in the region. From this standpoint, we must interpret the current events within this context, rather than as a mere 'moment of victory.' Optimism, enthusiasm, and widespread support did not prevent political unrest: Confrontations on the coast with Alawites, the bombing of a Christian church in Damascus, disputes with the Druze of Sweida, and with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in Raqqa. The crises that have already occurred – and those that may still come – are expected. The domestic consensus to remove al-Assad means the alternative system will need time to build trust. There's also a troubled regional environment with actors harmed by the transition who will need time to test the waters, accept the new reality, and choose to cooperate. Amid these local confrontations, two dangerous factions threaten the new order. The first is overtly hostile – such as remnants of the old regime, forces in Iran, and local gangs like drug cartels. These groups will repeatedly try to create a confrontational climate that escalates over time. They aim to shrink Syria, entangle Damascus in a prolonged battle, and encourage the emergence of independent regions. The second faction comes from within the system – or considers itself part of it – and plays a role in fueling crises. It has its own views on how the country should be governed and how it should engage with the world. Though loyal, this faction is no less dangerous than the hostile one, because it ignites conflicts and deepens divisions. Its threat lies in dragging the Syrian authority into a confrontation with the regional order and inviting foreign powers to invest in a local civil war. These traps require wisdom in handling so that they don't distract the government from its most difficult task: building a new state that most Syrians are waiting for – one that improves living standards and transitions into a modern nation. Al-Sharaa has domestic popularity that he must strengthen, lest it erode under the weight of looming challenges – most notably, bread shortages, inflation, low wages, and delays in foreign aid. These are challenges unrelated to Iran or regime remnants. They're compounded by the need to extinguish growing social strife, which risks becoming a civil war. Those engaged in this strife – whether in the name of freedoms or defending (or opposing) the regime – are stoking tensions among Syria's deeply anxious and mistrustful communities. The international community wants a civil state that manages a disciplined security and military apparatus. The new Damascus regime needs time to organize itself and win over Syria's diverse groups. Let us remember that Hafez al-Assad, while presenting himself as a protector of minorities, placed Abdel Halim Khaddam and Mustafa Tlass at his right and left. There are also forces in the region that have failed to establish extremist regimes – and now want Syria to become another Gaza or Afghanistan. Upon entering the capital, al-Sharaa immediately announced his openness to all, stressing that his concern is Syrian – not international. He displayed a moderation that surprised many, and he has managed his relationships pragmatically, consistent with his promises. That's why Syria will not become the Iranian model – which is now nearing its end – nor should it fight on behalf of others, whether against Israel or Iran. Nor should it allow others to bring their wars onto Syrian soil. Amid these ethnic, sectarian, and regional tensions, the road will remain difficult. The regime has inherited a devastated country violated by both domestic and foreign forces. Fixing it will require political skill – not brute force – and a sixth sense that can anticipate crises and contain them.
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3 hours ago
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KHAN YOUNIS: Two years ago, Sarah Qanan was a star high school student preparing for final exams and dreaming of becoming a doctor. Today, the 18-year-old lives in a sweltering tent in the Gaza Strip and says she is just trying to stay alive. She's part of a generation of Palestinians from grade school through university who have had virtually no access to education in the territory since the war began in October 2023. Classes were suspended that month and schools were transformed into crowded shelters as hundreds of thousands fled their homes at the start of Israel's campaign of retaliation after Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023, attack. The closure of schools has removed a key social outlet for young people as they grapple with war, hunger and displacement. For younger children, it has meant missing out on basic skills like reading and simple arithmetic. For older students, advanced subjects, graduation exams and college applications have all been put on hold. 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During a six-week ceasefire in January and February, some 600 learning spaces provided lessons for around 173,000 children, according to UNICEF. But since March, when Israel ended the truce with a surprise bombardment, nearly half have shut down. 'The impact goes beyond learning losses,' said Rosalia Bollen, a UNICEF spokeswoman. 'Children in Gaza have been trapped in a cycle not just of exposure to unprecedented violence, but also a cycle of fear, of toxic stress, of anxiety.' 'Two years of my life are gone' Some have tried to continue their studies through online learning, but it's not easy in Gaza, where there has been no central electricity since the start of the war. Palestinians must use solar panels or hard-to-find generators to charge their phones, and Internet is unreliable. 'The mobile phone is not always charged, and we only have one at home,' said Nesma Zouaroub, a mother of four school-age children. She said her youngest son should be in second grade but does not know how to read or write. 'The children's future is ruined,' she said. Ola Shaban tried to continue her civil engineering studies online through her university after the campus was destroyed by Israeli forces in April 2024. She had to walk long distances to get a signal in her hometown near Khan Younis, and she eventually gave up. 'I couldn't continue because of lack of Internet, continuous displacement and the constant sense of fear,' she said. 'Two years of my life are gone.' Israel's offensive has killed over 57,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza's Health Ministry. The ministry, which is part of the Hamas-run government, does not differentiate between combatants and civilians but says over half the dead are women and children. Its figures are used by the UN and other international organizations as the most reliable statistics on war casualties. Hamas-led militants killed some 1,200 people in the Oct. 7 attack and abducted 251. They are still holding 50 hostages, less than half believed to be alive, after most of the rest were released in ceasefire deals or other agreements. Qanan's father, Ibrahim, a local journalist, said his family did everything it could to support Sarah's ambition to study medicine, only to see it go up in smoke when the war broke out. 'The war stunned us and turned our life upside down,' the father of six said. 'Our dreams and hopes were buried in the rubble of our home.'
