logo
I was a prison governor for 10 years. This is why corruption is engulfing our criminal justice system

I was a prison governor for 10 years. This is why corruption is engulfing our criminal justice system

Telegraph31-03-2025
All is not well inside the last Hermit kingdom in public service. I'm referring to His Majesty's Prison and Probation Service (HMPPS), a closed and secretive fiefdom that has acquired a reputation for security scandals and managerial incompetence that even high walls, literal and figurative, can't contain. Behind the austere perimeters of the prison side of business, another disgrace looms – corruption.
I was a prison officer and governor for a decade in the 1990s. During this purple patch for the service, the men and women who wore the uniform largely did so with pride and either had years of 'jailcraft' experience to draw on or came to the landings from other walks of life with the requisite emotional maturity to conduct themselves properly. Was it a perfect institution? No. Indeed, the fundamental stressors of the job – working in an environment where anything bad could happen and often did remained. We employed racists and people who caused prisoners and their colleagues no end of difficulty by misusing their immense discretionary power. But these miscreants were in a distinct minority, and staff corruption was either deeply concealed or driven out by an esprit de corps that is so important and so badly missing from today's service.
Outside Whitehall, nobody is blind to the multiple lurid stories that have emerged in recent months and years with an uncomfortably common theme: female staff being caught in sexually compromising situations with male prisoners. Jails are places saturated with risk and trauma. Officers and prisoners are locked away in an environment that is far from normal, where sexual predation, conditioning and coercion is baked into the fabric. But I think these recent stories are symptoms of a much larger and more worrying problem than was ever the case when I worked inside.
Here is an emblematic example. In June 2024, a female prison officer at HMP Wandsworth (where I was head of security in the 1990s) gained global notoriety after a video filmed inside the prison showed her having sex with an inmate. The footage, which went viral online, led to her arrest. Linda De Sousa Abreu was jailed in January having pled guilty to misconduct in a public office. This officer had passed the HMPPS recruitment security vetting process despite having a publicly available OnlyFans account and being previously featured on the Channel 4 series Open House: The Great Sex Experiment. Neither of these activities is illegal, but only an imbecile would say they were compatible with a front-line security role near seasoned and manipulative criminals. Part of the footage was recovered from her body-worn camera. You couldn't make it up.
De Sousa Abreu was hired as a result of a rushed process to get boots on wings denuded of staff as a result of utterly destructive Conservative austerity cuts that drove experience out and allowed in people patently unsuitable to the job. HMP Wandsworth, a major London prison, is falling apart in plain sight. Yet, it is a 20-minute cab ride from HMPPS Headquarters, where thousands of bureaucrats labour in roles that seem to make no difference to the abject state of our penal slums.
On some occasions, up to 40 per cent of officers at Wandsworth were routinely unavailable for a workplace that was drowning in filth and drugs where staff could not routinely account for the whereabouts of prisoners. This sort of environment, where leadership and even basic supervision are absent, is ideal for illicit relationships to flourish.
The state is not in charge at Wandsworth. When I was head of security there, we were the biggest gang in the jail. There was a sense of discipline in the organisation that is now sneered at and deprecated by the cartel of activist groups and academics that have far too much influence on prison operational policy.
These long-dead attributes meant it was almost impossible for blatant abuses of power to occur.
Order and control are foundational to prison safety and legitimacy. Where this has foundered, and we have hugely inexperienced youngsters badly selected, poorly trained and unsupervised all sorts of corruption will flourish.
The rot extends far beyond prison officers too. Female prison psychologists and teachers have all been exposed in illicit affairs with prisoners. Male staff in female prisons have been jailed for relationships with particularly vulnerable women. Prisons without even elementary security screening processes allow both men and women in uniform and other staff corrupted by sophisticated and well-heeled offenders to run drugs and phones into prisons.
The quantities of these items delivered to offenders, who should be doing rehabilitation, not lines of coke, simply cannot be explained by drone deliveries alone. The rampant drug economy flourishing in our prisons unopposed is the lubricant or by-product of much of the corruption we are now reading about.
Prof John Podmore, who used to run the counter-corruption operation in the prison service, put it like this: 'Serious organised crime is increasingly well organised in prisons. Control over so many jails has been ceded to highly profitable criminal enterprises.'
I feel for the thousands of decent and effective female staff who pull on a uniform every morning and who, on top of all the other stresses of the job, must endure the humiliation of being associated with a minority of their colleagues who have brought the service into such disrepute.
I do not accept the formula the spinners at the Ministry of Justice increasingly rely on – that the number of staff being detected means that counter-corruption strategies are working. Something else is going on. Over a third of prison officers now have less than one year's experience in uniform. Many of these recruits will learn on the job as I did and become effective officers doing a vital job for society. But they won't have any of the experience and numbers of colleagues I had to lean on. Too many others will be unsuitable for a uniquely complex job and their immaturity will put them at risk to themselves and security. This law enforcement agency has lost its way. Ministers know this and are helpless to act.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Labour's misguided assault on Palestine Action
Labour's misguided assault on Palestine Action

New Statesman​

time18 hours ago

  • New Statesman​

Labour's misguided assault on Palestine Action

Metropolitan Police officers surround a demonstration against Palestine Action's proscription as a terrorist organisation, before arresting the in Parliament Square on July 12, 2025. Photo byAt the weekend (12 July) more than 70 people were arrested under anti-terror legislation at protests in support of the now proscribed organisation, Palestine Action. The group are the first non-violent, direct action group to have been designated a terrorist organisation in the UK, and are now listed alongside Al-Qaeda, Boko Haram and the neo-Nazi group National Action – a member of whom is currently serving a life sentence for planning the assassination of former Labour MP, Rosie Cooper, in 2018 – under the Section 12 of the Terrorism Act 2000. The proscription of Palestine Action is not only a wildly disproportionate act against a group whose targets have been confined to the state and corporate infrastructure that supports the Israeli military. It is sure to have chilling effects on the already dwindling right to protest. The proximate cause, as Huw Lemmey has convincing argued, is the 'wider effort to limit jury nullification', where a jury acquits a defendant as a matter of conscience regardless of whether or not they have broken the law. Fearing embarrassment if 'the chasm between government policy and public opinion' is exposed by a jury acquittal, the government has decided it is better off avoiding juries altogether. Even so, there is a wider context at work. The action against Palestine Action is merely the latest punitive measure against non-violent protesters. In July last year, five activists from Just Stop Oil were sentenced to between four and five years for conspiring to block traffic on the M25 – imprisoned, in effect, for being on a Zoom call, and for far longer than many who are convicted of serious sexual assault or other violent crimes. While those prosecutions began under a Conservative government, the sentences were handed down weeks into Keir Starmer's term of office. Tellingly, the former human rights lawyer refused to intervene, while his home secretary Yvette Cooper has since defended the Tories' 2022 Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act and its 2023 Public Order Act, which introduced even more draconian anti-protest legislation. It was only action by the civil rights group, Liberty, that got some of regulations contained in the 2023 act quashed. On the right, meanwhile, the case of Lucy Connolly, who was sentenced to a 31-month jail term for inciting race hate after calling for protestors to set fire to hotels housing asylum seekers, has become a minor cause célèbre. While the claims that she is a 'political prisoner' are clearly absurd, her lengthy sentence has only served to further erode trust in Britain governing institutions. Labour are, of course, no strangers to this kind of social authoritarianism. Between 1997 and 2010, New Labour pursued a brand of authoritarian populism that even Keir Starmer has yet to reach. The socially restrictive measures introduced under Blair and Brown include the issuing of Asbsos for low-level social intimidation, the effects of which were further exacerbated by a 'name and shame' campaign that included the targeting of children as young as 10, the failed attempt to extend detention without charge to 90 days for terror suspects, and the escalation of police stop-and-search powers. Yet then, as now, it is who is targeted, and who evades justice, that shines the starkest light on the priorities of the British political system. While elderly grandmothers are thrown in jail for holding placards on public streets, others far more guilty of degrading the fabric of British society get away scot-free. Here I must confess something of a certain personal stake. In 2013, my second cousin was sentenced to nine months in prison for allegedly stealing thousands of pounds while running a sub post office. Of course, what we now know is that he was just one of around 1,000 innocent people who were falsely prosecuted due to failures in the Post Office's Horizon IT system. At least 13 of those implicated have subsequently taken their own lives. Yet the people who hold ultimate responsibility for this national scandal, the largest miscarriage of justice in British legal history, have, beyond public opprobrium and the odd lost directorship, continued to avoid justice. The question of jail time has barely even been raised. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe The same is true of water bosses. Only three people have ever been prosecuted for obstructing the Environment Agency in its investigations into sewage spills, none of whom even received a fine for doing so. Hundreds of cases of illegal spilling have been identified in the past few years alone; all occurred as privatised water firms paid out billions in dividends, while cutting back services, raising prices and saddling debt amounting to hundreds of millions of pounds onto the stricken companies. The government's recent water bill does strengthen its powers, but we are yet to see them utilised – all while groups like Palestine Action feel the full force of the state. All of this is deeply damaging to the public's faith in government and its institutions, already at historical lows. Last month it was revealed that just 19 per cent of the public think the British political system needs little or no improvement, while only 12 per cent trust governments to put the country's interest before their party's. The rot started long before Starmer's premiership. As Dominic Cummings, hardly a left-wing populist, has repeatedly and correctly stressed, one of the long-term factors in this was the absence of any institutional accountability for those behind the 2008 financial crisis. The shadow of 2008, long and ever darker, stretches across the contemporary social and economic landscape. We still live in the world made by the crisis. Yet repeated governments, both Labour and Conservative, have failed to face squarely the damage it has caused, let alone those who caused it. This government has acted most aggressively against the 'working people' it claims to serve. Being responsible, knowingly, for the false prosecution of over thousand people gets you just 15 minutes of televised infamy, while those who spray red paint on a few airplanes, not to mention those who do no more than wear the name of a now disbanded organisation on a t-shirt, face prosecution and jail terms of up to 14 years. It is clear evidence of a government that doesn't know who it represents, and deserves every ounce of scorn poured on it. [See also: Welcome to hot Palestine Action summer] Related

Omagh inquiry seeks secret 15-year-old transcript from Commons archive
Omagh inquiry seeks secret 15-year-old transcript from Commons archive

Rhyl Journal

timea day ago

  • Rhyl Journal

Omagh inquiry seeks secret 15-year-old transcript from Commons archive

Omagh Bombing Inquiry solicitor Tim Suter has asked for information about an allegation 'that police investigators into previous attacks in Moira, Portadown, Banbridge and Lisburn did not have access to intelligence materials which may have reasonably enabled them to disrupt the activities of dissident republican terrorists' in the Co Tyrone town. The allegation is thought to have been made during a private session of the Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee almost 16 years ago, on November 11 2009. Conservative MP Simon Hoare warned there was 'no wriggle room' in Parliament's rules to hand over the information to the inquiry without MPs' say-so, because it previously went 'unreported'. Commons committees can refrain from reporting evidence in certain circumstances, for example, if it contains information which is prejudicial to the public interest. MPs tasked the Commons Privileges Committee with looking at the 2009 transcript. This seven-member group has until October 30 to decide whether to report and publish the evidence, which was originally given to the House by former senior police officer Norman Baxter. 'It is very hard for the House to decide whether or not to release evidence it has not seen and cannot see before the decision is made,' Mr Hoare warned. 'It is particularly difficult in this case, as that evidence may contain sensitive information.' The North Dorset MP added that the Privileges Committee 'might simply decide to publish it'. But the agreed motion will give the committee power to make an alternative recommendation 'on the desirability or otherwise of the release of the evidence to the Omagh Bombing Inquiry'. Privileges Committee chairman Alberto Costa, the Conservative MP for South Leicestershire, told MPs that his organisation 'stands ready to deal with this matter'. The independent inquiry chaired by Lord Turnbull will consider whether the Omagh bombing 'could reasonably have been prevented by UK state authorities'. The dissident republican bomb exploded in the Co Tyrone town on August 15 1998, killing 29 people, including a woman pregnant with twins. Mr Hoare agreed with DUP MP for Strangford Jim Shannon, who was born in Omagh, after he told the Commons that 'justice' should be at the 'forefront of all right honourable and honourable members' minds during this process'.

French action ‘has prevented nearly 500 small boat crossings this year'
French action ‘has prevented nearly 500 small boat crossings this year'

Glasgow Times

timea day ago

  • Glasgow Times

French action ‘has prevented nearly 500 small boat crossings this year'

Yvette Cooper told MPs nearly 500 crossings had been 'prevented' by the French police, with 385 reaching British shores. Speaking in the Commons, Ms Cooper told MPs the Government had five tactics to address small boat crossings, including strengthening the border and clamping down on illegal working. Her statement came days after the Government secured a new agreement with France over returning migrants who had arrived on small boats. She said: 'French actions have prevented 496 boat crossings this year, but 385 boats have crossed. 'And criminal gangs are operating new tactics, increasing the overcrowding of boats so that more people arrive, and loading them in shallow waters, exploiting the French rules that means their authorities have not been able to intervene in the water.' It is unclear whether the figure refers to small boat crossings being stopped before or during attempts to leave the coastline, or by other means such as seizing boats from warehouses. Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer and French President Emmanuel Macron during Mr Macron's state visit to the UK (Leon Neal/PA) The Home Secretary referred to 'appalling scenes' of people clambering onto crowded boats in shallow waters, and said French police had faced 'disgraceful violence' from gang members behind the crossings. She continued: 'We cannot stand for this. That is why the new action agreed with France includes establishing a new French Compagnie de Marche of specialist enforcement officers, with stronger public order powers to address increases in violence on French beaches and prevent boat launches before they reach the water.' Some 22,492 people have arrived in the UK after crossing the English Channel, according to latest Home Office figures. This is up 57% on this point last year (14,291) and 71% higher than at this stage in 2023 (13,144), according to PA news agency analysis. Last week's agreement saw a deal struck for a one in, one out system that would see a small boat migrant exchange for a legal asylum seeker. No details have been given about how many people will be covered by the scheme, but reports from France have indicated it could initially be limited to around 50 a week – a small fraction of the weekly average this year of 782. Priority will be given to people from countries where they are most likely to be granted asylum as genuine refugees, who are most likely to be exploited by smuggling gangs and also asylum seekers who have connections to the UK. The accord came at the end of a state visit by French President Emmanuel Macron to the UK. Home Secretary Yvette Cooper during the UK-France Summit on day three of Emmanuel Macron's state visit to the UK (Yui Mok/PA) Ms Cooper said: 'The new agreement reached at the summit last week means stronger partnership working with source and transit countries to prevent illegal migration.' Conservative shadow home secretary Chris Philp rubbished the idea that progress had been made on the issue, and said statistics showed small boat crossings had risen under Labour. Mr Philp said the 12 months since Labour's election last July had seen a 40% rise year-on-year in terms of crossings. He said: 'The Home Secretary comes here today sounding rather pleased with herself. I'm afraid she has no reason to. 'A year ago, she promised to smash the gangs, she said again and again that was her plan, indeed it was her only plan. Yet today, there is no mention of what was once her favourite catchphrase. 'That's because her claim to smash the gangs has become a joke, an embarrassment to her and to the Government.' He added that rather than closing asylum hotels, there were 3,000 more people in them than last year. 'She is setting records, just all the wrong ones,' he said. People thought to be migrants are brought in to the Border Force compound in Dover, Kent (Gareth Fuller/PA) Ms Cooper replied: 'This crisis, the small boats chaos, went on for 340 weeks under the Tories, a period in which when he was immigration minister, overall migration near trebled and small boat crossings increased tenfold when he was the immigration minister in charge.' She later said the Government's plan would involve greater co-operation with other governments, rather than 'standing at the shoreline shouting at the sea'. Ms Cooper said: 'We will best strengthen our border security by working with countries on the other side of those borders who face exactly the same challenges far better than just standing at the shoreline shouting at the sea.' Conservative former minister Andrew Murrison asked the Home Secretary to respond to the idea that the UK was 'perceived as being attractive to illegal migrants'. She replied: 'I do think frankly it has been too easy to work illegally in this country for too long, and we know that one of the things that the criminal gangs say to people is, 'it will be easy to get a job'. 'They will even give people discounts if they can come and work for those same criminal gangs operating in the UK.'

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store