
Forrest Claypool: CPS must engage the community before consolidating empty schools
To avoid the mistakes of the past, however, school consolidations must be part of a larger plan that marshals significant new neighborhood investments under the guidance of organic community leadership.
With around 71,000 fewer students than a decade ago, CPS has almost twice as many severely underenrolled facilities as in 2013, when then-Mayor Rahm Emanuel shuttered 50 schools, the largest mass closure in the nation.
Today, 3 of every 10 schools are half empty, and 47 operate at less than a third of capacity, including Frederick Douglass Academy High School, which spends $93,000 for each of its 28 students. For its 20 least occupied schools (less than 15% utilization), CPS is seeking $1 billion for repairs and improvements, a per student average of $330,000.
For taxpayers, these numbers are sinful; for students, they are sinister. Chalkbeat and ProPublica found that underenrolled schools are more likely to have lower graduation and college attendance rates, with higher numbers of chronic truants and dropouts. Normal course offerings and extracurricular activities are limited or absent.
When a fully elected school board is seated in 18 months, it will inherit a functionally bankrupt district. CPS carries a junk debt rating, the worst among urban school systems. Since 2019, enrollment has dropped by almost 38,000 students yet school officials used one-time COVID-19 relief dollars to hire 7,800 new permanent employees. Worse, they inked a lavish new four-year teachers union contract adding $1.5 billion in expenses and no road map to fund it.
When federal COVID-19 relief funds run out next year, the school board will face difficult decisions, including the need to consolidate schools. Chicago must craft its strategy not only to lift students but also entire neighborhoods.
In the painful but necessary 2013 closings, no effort was made to replace shuttered schools that had served as neighborhood anchors or to ameliorate the harmful effects of closings. The message to affected communities was one of disinvestment and despair.
It need not be that way.
In 2016, with memories of the painful closings still fresh, Emanuel greenlighted an experiment in how to approach school consolidations differently. As his new schools CEO, I did not turn to bureaucrats or accountants. Instead, I reached out to community leaders in Englewood, the impoverished South Side neighborhood containing four aging, academically failing and deeply underenrolled high schools. It was obvious the status quo was failing, but change could not be imposed by CPS or City Hall. Englewood was the right place to try a grassroots approach because it had strong and sophisticated leaders with deep credibility and pride in their neighborhood.
Supported by a foundation grant, the Englewood Community Action Council and the West Englewood Coalition led a lengthy and assiduous process of research, outreach to residents and community forums, deftly sidelining outsiders who came to rabble-rouse, engage in self-promotion or carry water for special interests.
Task force members studied the hard data and concluded Englewood's underenrolled schools could not offer what their children deserved. With no pot of gold at the end of the rainbow, they made the tough decision to recommend closing four underperforming schools in exchange for construction of a brand-new one. They also bargained for a new community health clinic, neighborhood construction apprenticeships, new safe transit options and a college credit program with Kennedy-King College.
Today, Englewood STEM boasts a state-of-the-art high school complete with gleaming science labs, an 800-person gymnasium, carefully groomed sports fields and specialized after-school programs. Sadly, its five-year academic record is weak but can be turned around under stronger leadership that leverages the benefits of modern infrastructure and fulsome resources.
An expanded version of the Englewood model can provide a blueprint for change. It will require significant public and private investments in infrastructure, housing, recreation, public safety, transit, job training and more in an all-hands-on-deck effort that coordinates city and state; CPS, the CTA, the Chicago Housing Authority, City Colleges and parks; labor and business; foundations and philanthropists; and not-for-profits such as the Local Initiatives Support Corporation (LISC), among many others.
To succeed, each neighborhood improvement plan must be defined by local residents and the process free of outside interference. That's easier said than done in today's toxic political and media environment, in which demagoguery and naked self-interest too often win. But it offers the best chance for the next generation of students and for Chicago's neighborhoods.

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Chicago Tribune
a minute ago
- Chicago Tribune
Maurice Scholten: The RTA has more money to work with than it realizes. State lawmakers need to know this.
Public transportation is a critical government service contributing billions of dollars to Illinois' economy and a better quality of life for all Midwestern residents. Efficiently moving people throughout our region has made Illinois a vibrant place. Allowing that to deteriorate in the wake of post-COVID-19 ridership changes would be a catastrophic misstep. How northern Illinois public transportation systems should receive the funding that would reportedly avert fiscal cliff-driven service cuts in 2026 is still under discussion, but an oft-overlooked aspect is a tax law change state lawmakers approved last year. A vast coalition of public transportation advocates, including the Regional Transportation Authority, has referenced since 2022 projections showing an original budget deficit of $730 million that is now calculated to be $771 million as emergency federal funding recedes and operating costs reportedly rise. The coalition hopes state lawmakers return to Springfield and approve a package of new revenues and governance reforms to head off service cuts at the CTA, Metra and Pace. By continuing to cite the $771 million figure, it is apparent the well-meaning coalition is not considering an Illinois sales tax law change that took effect Jan. 1. The new law says retailers in Illinois shipping goods to a customer from outside the state must collect the sales taxes in effect at the delivery address. This means more sales are now subject to the RTA's 0.75% sales tax in the collar counties and the 1% sales tax in Cook County. Here is an example of how the difference benefits Illinois local governments, including the RTA: Imagine someone ordered a shirt in December from an online retailer and had it delivered to their home in Evanston. The retailer has stores in Illinois, but it ships the shirt from an out-of-state warehouse to the customer's address and collects 6.25% in sales tax — the statewide rate on general merchandise. If the same order were placed today, it would be subject to a total sales tax rate in effect at the customer's home in Evanston, which is 10.25%. The local governments imposing a portion of sales tax at the delivery address — the city of Evanston (1.25%), Cook County (1.75%) and the RTA (1%) — would receive the additional tax. Inspired in large part by the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in South Dakota v. Wayfair Inc., this law change is expected to generate hundreds of millions of dollars for Illinois local governments, including public transit systems. An analysis of Illinois Department of Revenue data suggests the RTA alone received an additional $94 million from sales taxes and the corresponding 30% match provided by the state of Illinois from retail transactions in the first four months of 2025 than it did in the same time frame in 2024. This represents 14.1% over-the-year growth at a time when the RTA expected sales tax receipts to grow by 3%. Subjecting deliveries from out of state to local sales taxes was introduced in the Illinois Senate in February 2024, and so the RTA could not have built these new revenues into its operating budgets and deficit projections. It would have also had difficulty foreseeing how this law would affect its tax collections when it announced in December a forthcoming $771 million deficit, as evidenced by its more modest sales tax growth forecast. But the RTA has now been aware of the bill since it became law in August 2024, and there are four months worth of tax data reflecting the law change. Cook County even cited this law change for its higher-than-anticipated sales tax collections. Nevertheless, the public transportation coalition continues using the out-of-date $771 million fiscal cliff projections only months before 40% service reductions become real. Using those four months of data, it is reasonable to expect the RTA will finish 2025 with at least $150 million in additional sales tax and matching state revenues that have not been included in the fiscal cliff projections. If economic and buying trends hold steady, then this change should generate more than $225 million in additional revenue in 2026. The RTA should be applying these non-forecasted revenues toward its fiscal cliff budget deficit, thereby leaving lawmakers and public transportation advocates with a smaller hole to fill. The rippling consequences of public transportation service cuts in northern Illinois are too great to simply ignore fiscal realities that have transpired over the past 18 months. Absent other unreported budget gaps that offset the revenues the bill is delivering, continuing to rely on clearly outdated information does not build good intergovernmental faith nor public trust in this vital, regional economic engine. State lawmakers need to know precisely what the system needs to sustain itself, especially if they are expected to justify new taxes and fees to their constituents concerned about other financial pressures. My organization therefore urges the RTA to present new budget projections before lawmakers return to Springfield to take up public transportation reform.


The Hill
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Cuba is in crisis — the US has a chance to act
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And that's because this gathering, like others, was intended to serve as an act of political will, meant to convey a public message of support for the ailing Cuban government. Although Cuba's leadership changed in name in 2019 to Miguel Diaz-Canel, Raúl Castro is still believed to be in charge behind the scenes. Despite turning 94 last month, he appears to remain the center of power, wielding significant influence over political, economic and military matters. Under his guidance, social control measures remain all-encompassing, beginning at the community level with the neighborhood Committees in Defense of the Revolution, the Brigades of Rapid Response, the National Revolutionary Police, the Revolutionary Armed Forces, and the Grupo de Administración Empresarial S.A., which facilitates the Cuban military's control over the economy. All of these government structures, reminiscent in some cases of George Orwell's writings, have ensured the continuation of Cuba's one-party system for the last 66 years. Today, the greatest concerns of the Cuban government are the incessant electricity outages. Once largely restricted to Cuba's outlying provinces, the blackouts are now also frequent in the capital. They are the direct result of government incompetence that has led to fuel shortages and aging infrastructure; without a doubt, they make daily life extremely challenging. In March 2025, following a major failure at a substation, much of the country was without power, leading to vast work and school closures. This was the fourth such national outage in six months. For a country already suffering from abysmally low monthly incomes, no functioning economy, and decaying living standards, it's no surprise that the population has grown increasingly discouraged. Although the Cuban government continues to blame the nation's challenges on the U.S. economic embargo, the aftereffects of the COVID-19 pandemic, and changes to U.S. travel policy, each day it appears fewer and fewer Cubans accept these excuses. In the last several years, an estimated 1 million Cubans have emigrated, representing a loss of roughly 10 percent of Cuba's population. And protests, once extremely rare, have become a relatively more common occurrence. In early June, students at the University of Havana began protesting a sharp hike in internet and cell phone service fees set by the government-run telecommunications company. This entity, largely owned by Cuba's military, is said to be well financed by Cuban exiles who purchase cellphone packages for their families on the island and represents an important revenue source for the Cuban government. 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And Trump's 'big beautiful bill' includes a tax on remittances, affecting Cuba's largest source of foreign revenue. Today, Cuba is facing a devastating moment. Over six decades of revolution have taken their toll. Cuba's leadership remains unwilling to enact the commonsense democratic reforms necessary to alleviate suffering and return dignity to its people. As Cuban citizens continue to find small, but meaningful ways to express their discontent, it is time for the international community to raise awareness of Cuba's desperate reality — and to demand change from its leadership.


Hamilton Spectator
a minute ago
- Hamilton Spectator
Niagara animal welfare group partners with Hendriks Independent for summer fundraiser
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