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Mulk Raj Anand and his imagination of global resistance against caste, colonialism, propaganda

Mulk Raj Anand and his imagination of global resistance against caste, colonialism, propaganda

Scroll.in5 hours ago
In 1937, as India struggled to gain independence from the British, a more global battle was raging thousands of miles west in the war-torn city of Madrid. Of the many foreign nationals serving in the Spanish Civil War in different capacities was Mulk Raj Anand, who saw Spain's struggle as a key point to decide the fate of democracy in Europe.
With the revolt of General Franco to overthrow the government, Anand's anti-fascist principles led him to defend the Spanish Republic. During the battle, Eric Arthur Blair, a friend of Anand, was shot in the neck by a sniper but miraculously survived, as mentioned in DJ Taylor's definitive biography, Orwell: The Life.
Years later, their paths realigned during the Second World War to counter the Axis propaganda led by Subhash Chandra Bose. Prompting Indians to revolt against British rule, Bose presented a formidable challenge to the British government in India, writes Stanley Wolpert in A New History of India.
Today we recognise Mulk Raj Anand as the author of groundbreaking classics like Untouchable and Coolie. His novels depicted disturbing realities, holding a mirror to the plight of the lowest orders in Indian society. Recounting a day in the life of a sweeper boy who dreamt of a dignified life like the Sahibs, Anand presented the world with a side of India nobody talked about.
However, Bakha was not the only one on the receiving end of societal brutality. There was Orwell in Paris (Down and Out in Paris and London), Bigger Thomas in Chicago (Native Son), and several others carrying their own untold stories.
Anand's life was about much more than writing novels. As a committed Marxist deeply involved in left-leaning politics, Anand was also a vocal advocate for the values he profoundly believed in, willing to raise his voice in their support. From the trenches of the war-torn city of Madrid amid exchanges of gunfire to the broadcasting studio of the BBC, his fight continued. Let's revisit Mulk Raj Anand's journey from the jails of Amritsar to joining the International Brigade in Madrid, shaping the political and literary landscape of global resistance in the 1900s.
Anand's early radicalism
An avid reader of Dickens, Shakespeare, and Gorky during childhood, Anand was drawn towards underground politics during his teen years. During the Non-Cooperation Movement launched by Gandhi, he joined a revolutionary rebel group in Amritsar that the British government recognised as a terrorist organisation. Deeply embedded in the revolution, Anand was arrested twice before completing his degree from the University of Punjab.
Anand's father, a military clerk loyal to the British Indian Army, was not proud of his son's altercations with the government. As detailed in Saros Cowasjee's biography, Mulk Raj Anand: His Life and Work, his father's background in the British Army helped Anand secure a scholarship to pursue a PhD at University College, London.
With high regard for the British model of democracy, Anand was shocked to find that the condition of the working class in London was no different from that in India. He concluded that the British government was organised and it functioned in the interest of a small minority that controlled the whole state. Driven by his rebellious nature, Anand ended up fighting for the rights of British coal workers during the strike of 1926.
These events not only solidified Anand's anti-imperialist views but also prompted him to join a Marxist study circle for a better understanding of the struggles of the working class.
It did not take Anand long to find the like-minded company of left-leaning intellectuals during his university years in London. 'He'd frequent the British Museum to meet eminent writers and artists,' recounts Irish poet Louis MacNeice in his unfinished autobiography, The Strings Are False. As Anand's network widened, he cultivated some valuable friendships that would shape his literary career. It was the friendship and mentorship of notable author EM Forster that opened doors for him into the established British literary scene.
Soon, Anand became a familiar name in influential literary circles in London, most notably the Bloomsbury Group, founded by English writer Virginia Woolf and her siblings, artist Vanessa Bell and author Thoby Stephen. Although not a permanent member, Anand attended several of the literary meets held on Thursday evenings, mostly at 46 Gordon Square, Bloomsbury.
Despite the intellectual exchanges and collaborations, Anand observed pro-colonial sentiments and a racist attitude that he perceived as 'ignorance of other 'cultures' and the club's 'disengagement' with both national and international politics.' Remarks like 'lesser breeds beyond the law' about Indians left him 'feeling anger and shame,' as he recounts in his memoir Conversations in Bloomsbury (1981).
Untouchable and its global echo
Although Anand had finished writing Untouchable in 1927, his first published work was an essay, 'Persian Painting' (1930). The printed edition of Untouchable did not see the light of day until 1935, after rejections from 19 publishers. Books on Mughals, mysticism, and the extravagant lives of Nawabs fascinated publishers more, not the disturbing reality of outcasts, which many considered 'dirt.'
At last, a moving preface by EM Forster encouraged Lawrence and Wishart, a small left-wing publisher, to take a chance on Untouchable. Upon publication, the novel successfully found a reader base in left-liberal circles, especially among Marxists and anti-fascists.
The disturbing horrors of societal brutality against outcastes linked Untouchable with broader, parallel struggles unfolding across the globe, from the industrial underbelly of Britain to the Jim Crow South. Richard Wright, an African-American writer, uncovered systematic racism in the US, robbing Black communities of dignified life with Native Son (1940). Like Bakha, Wright introduced the world to Bigger Thomas, a young African-American boy from Chicago who was crushed and criminalised by structural violence. Although Anand and Wright never met, through Bakha and Bigger Thomas, they powerfully held up a mirror to societal brutality.
Orwell, Anand, and the BBC
In the 1940s, when the Second World War was at its peak, Anand was offered the position of Talks Assistant at the BBC's Indian Service in London. Citing political turmoil in India, Anand politely declined the offer, which was then passed on to George Orwell. His desire to serve his country, his wife's ill health, and financial setbacks led him to accept the job. As the new Talks Assistant, Orwell wrote a letter to Anand to convince him to write and broadcast for the BBC. Anand readily agreed.
Together, tasked with encouraging anti-imperialist sentiments in India, they worked on several radio talk series. In New Weapons of War, Anand explained the meanings of war-related phrases such as 'Pluto-Democracy,' 'Propaganda,' and 'New Order,' terms commonly spoken yet poorly understood.
According to Abha Sharma Rodrigues' doctoral thesis, George Orwell, The BBC, and India: A Critical Study, despite several ideological differences, the early life experiences of Anand and Orwell bore striking similarities. Not only did the zeal of reform motivate them to write, but they also went to great lengths to experience the pain of the lowest orders of society. While Anand spent time at Sabarmati Ashram, living with the untouchables and performing the tasks of a sweeper, Orwell resigned from the Indian Imperial Police and chose to live in slums, working menial jobs like a dishwasher in restaurants.
As Anand uncovered casteism in Untouchable, Orwell exposed classism in Down and Out in Paris and London (1933), laying bare the grim realities of poverty and exclusion in Europe's capitals.
Often criticised as hypocritical and ironic, it remains debatable whether the BBC's wartime efforts to encourage anti-imperialist sentiments in India were successful. However, Orwell and Anand's experiments with language resulted in innovative broadcasts like New Weapons of War. Due to rising differences with the organisation, Orwell left the BBC in 1943, while Anand overlapped his tenure and continued to freelance as a scriptwriter and broadcaster until the end of the war. With India inching closer to freedom, he returned home and founded MARG (Modern Architectural Research Group) magazine in 1946.
Drawing together the threads of his remarkable life, Anand emerges not just as a writer but as a fearless combatant whose participation in the global politics of resistance will always be remembered. From the prison cell in Amritsar to the trenches of war-torn Madrid, and from debates in Bloomsbury to broadcasting radio talks at the BBC, Anand's journey was not limited to writing. It was about proactively utilising every platform to challenge power and expose violence against the lowest orders of society, be it outcasts in India or coal miners in London.
As we enter the age of renewed censorship and systemic oppression, the legacy of Anand reminds us that literature is not merely a mirror; it can be a weapon. You just have to wield it with some empathy forged in conviction and finally aim squarely at the architecture of injustice.
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Blood, Votes, and Bibi: How Gaza war allowed Benjamin Netanyahu to stage a comeback - and save his political career
Blood, Votes, and Bibi: How Gaza war allowed Benjamin Netanyahu to stage a comeback - and save his political career

Time of India

time3 hours ago

  • Time of India

Blood, Votes, and Bibi: How Gaza war allowed Benjamin Netanyahu to stage a comeback - and save his political career

FILE - President Donald Trump, left, stands with Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the West Wing of the White House, April 7, 2025, in Washington. (AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein, File) It's a known fact that Benjamin Netanyahu is a huge fan of Winston Churchill — the cigars, the wartime posture, the myth of the iron-willed statesman against a collapsing world. Netanyahu has long modelled himself on the British bulldog, seeing in Churchill a reflection of his own self-image: embattled, defiant, indispensable. But Churchill fought Hitler. Netanyahu, as a devastating New York Times investigation reveals, fought something far more pedestrian — his own political extinction. The portrait that emerges from this investigation is not one of a wartime leader reluctantly thrust into conflict, but a political operator who prolonged war, sabotaged peace talks, derailed ceasefires, manipulated state records, and dismantled democratic checks — all to stay in power. The War That Wouldn't End — and the Man Who Wouldn't Fall There was a moment — brief, hushed, and deliberately unrecorded — in April 2024 when Benjamin Netanyahu almost stopped the war in Gaza. Hostage negotiations had progressed. An Israeli envoy had been dispatched to Cairo. Egypt and Qatar had brokered terms for a six-week truce. Saudi Arabia had even cracked open the door to normalisation, with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman reportedly telling US National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan, 'Let's finish this,' if Israel ended the war and moved toward a two-state solution. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Đây có thể là thời điểm tốt nhất để giao dịch vàng trong 5 năm qua IC Markets Tìm hiểu thêm Undo But Netanyahu hesitated. At a cabinet meeting at the Kirya, Israel's Defence Ministry compound, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich got wind of the deal. 'Bring this,' he warned, 'and you no longer have a government.' Netanyahu folded. Publicly, he denied the ceasefire plan even existed. Privately, he whispered to aides: 'Don't present the plan.' It was the moment when a national trauma — the October 7 massacre, the largest single-day loss of Jewish life since the Holocaust — began to morph into something darker: a shield for political survival. Read: The biggest winners and losers of the Middle East War Politics by Other Means By mid-2024, Netanyahu was politically cornered. Polls showed Likud collapsing. His corruption trial loomed. The attorney general was investigating his aides. The Shin Bet, Israel's internal security service, had opened a probe into irregularities around October 7. The unity government, temporarily propped up by Benny Gantz and his National Unity party, was fraying. The Gaza war — raw, brutal, and emotionally searing — offered a political lifeline. Each time a ceasefire approached, Netanyahu moved the goalposts. A promising summit in Rome in July 2024 collapsed after he inserted six last-minute demands, including permanent Israeli control of the Gaza-Egypt Philadelphi Corridor — a known Hamas red line. Negotiators were stunned. A truce that could have ended the war fell apart. In March 2025, a ceasefire lasted less than 24 hours. That same week, far-right firebrand Itamar Ben-Gvir offered to rejoin Netanyahu's coalition if the war resumed. Netanyahu agreed. The budget passed. The bombs resumed. Throughout this period, US officials claimed that Netanyahu had prohibited Israeli bureaucrats from discussing postwar planning — especially anything related to governance in Gaza. The reason? Even talking about a Palestinian administration risked alienating far-right allies like Smotrich and Ben-Gvir. The result: the IDF operated in a loop. Israeli troops cleared Khan Younis. Then they pulled out. Then they returned. Then they left again. 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Aid deliveries were routinely blocked or delayed, while disease surged through overcrowded shelters. Diplomatically, Israel faced growing isolation: the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for both Israeli and Hamas leaders, the International Court of Justice continued deliberating over genocide charges, and the US and EU intensified calls for a permanent ceasefire. Saudi Arabia suspended normalisation talks, and even the UAE fell silent. Yet, paradoxically, all of this helped Netanyahu. What should have been his downfall — a catastrophic intelligence failure, international condemnation, and mounting civilian deaths — instead became his political resurrection. He outlasted rivals, weakened institutions, and reasserted control over the judiciary and security establishment, all while persuading his base that only he could protect Israel. 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Mulk Raj Anand and his imagination of global resistance against caste, colonialism, propaganda
Mulk Raj Anand and his imagination of global resistance against caste, colonialism, propaganda

Scroll.in

time5 hours ago

  • Scroll.in

Mulk Raj Anand and his imagination of global resistance against caste, colonialism, propaganda

In 1937, as India struggled to gain independence from the British, a more global battle was raging thousands of miles west in the war-torn city of Madrid. Of the many foreign nationals serving in the Spanish Civil War in different capacities was Mulk Raj Anand, who saw Spain's struggle as a key point to decide the fate of democracy in Europe. With the revolt of General Franco to overthrow the government, Anand's anti-fascist principles led him to defend the Spanish Republic. During the battle, Eric Arthur Blair, a friend of Anand, was shot in the neck by a sniper but miraculously survived, as mentioned in DJ Taylor's definitive biography, Orwell: The Life. Years later, their paths realigned during the Second World War to counter the Axis propaganda led by Subhash Chandra Bose. Prompting Indians to revolt against British rule, Bose presented a formidable challenge to the British government in India, writes Stanley Wolpert in A New History of India. Today we recognise Mulk Raj Anand as the author of groundbreaking classics like Untouchable and Coolie. His novels depicted disturbing realities, holding a mirror to the plight of the lowest orders in Indian society. Recounting a day in the life of a sweeper boy who dreamt of a dignified life like the Sahibs, Anand presented the world with a side of India nobody talked about. However, Bakha was not the only one on the receiving end of societal brutality. There was Orwell in Paris (Down and Out in Paris and London), Bigger Thomas in Chicago (Native Son), and several others carrying their own untold stories. Anand's life was about much more than writing novels. As a committed Marxist deeply involved in left-leaning politics, Anand was also a vocal advocate for the values he profoundly believed in, willing to raise his voice in their support. From the trenches of the war-torn city of Madrid amid exchanges of gunfire to the broadcasting studio of the BBC, his fight continued. Let's revisit Mulk Raj Anand's journey from the jails of Amritsar to joining the International Brigade in Madrid, shaping the political and literary landscape of global resistance in the 1900s. Anand's early radicalism An avid reader of Dickens, Shakespeare, and Gorky during childhood, Anand was drawn towards underground politics during his teen years. During the Non-Cooperation Movement launched by Gandhi, he joined a revolutionary rebel group in Amritsar that the British government recognised as a terrorist organisation. Deeply embedded in the revolution, Anand was arrested twice before completing his degree from the University of Punjab. Anand's father, a military clerk loyal to the British Indian Army, was not proud of his son's altercations with the government. As detailed in Saros Cowasjee's biography, Mulk Raj Anand: His Life and Work, his father's background in the British Army helped Anand secure a scholarship to pursue a PhD at University College, London. With high regard for the British model of democracy, Anand was shocked to find that the condition of the working class in London was no different from that in India. He concluded that the British government was organised and it functioned in the interest of a small minority that controlled the whole state. Driven by his rebellious nature, Anand ended up fighting for the rights of British coal workers during the strike of 1926. These events not only solidified Anand's anti-imperialist views but also prompted him to join a Marxist study circle for a better understanding of the struggles of the working class. It did not take Anand long to find the like-minded company of left-leaning intellectuals during his university years in London. 'He'd frequent the British Museum to meet eminent writers and artists,' recounts Irish poet Louis MacNeice in his unfinished autobiography, The Strings Are False. As Anand's network widened, he cultivated some valuable friendships that would shape his literary career. It was the friendship and mentorship of notable author EM Forster that opened doors for him into the established British literary scene. Soon, Anand became a familiar name in influential literary circles in London, most notably the Bloomsbury Group, founded by English writer Virginia Woolf and her siblings, artist Vanessa Bell and author Thoby Stephen. Although not a permanent member, Anand attended several of the literary meets held on Thursday evenings, mostly at 46 Gordon Square, Bloomsbury. Despite the intellectual exchanges and collaborations, Anand observed pro-colonial sentiments and a racist attitude that he perceived as 'ignorance of other 'cultures' and the club's 'disengagement' with both national and international politics.' Remarks like 'lesser breeds beyond the law' about Indians left him 'feeling anger and shame,' as he recounts in his memoir Conversations in Bloomsbury (1981). Untouchable and its global echo Although Anand had finished writing Untouchable in 1927, his first published work was an essay, 'Persian Painting' (1930). The printed edition of Untouchable did not see the light of day until 1935, after rejections from 19 publishers. Books on Mughals, mysticism, and the extravagant lives of Nawabs fascinated publishers more, not the disturbing reality of outcasts, which many considered 'dirt.' At last, a moving preface by EM Forster encouraged Lawrence and Wishart, a small left-wing publisher, to take a chance on Untouchable. Upon publication, the novel successfully found a reader base in left-liberal circles, especially among Marxists and anti-fascists. The disturbing horrors of societal brutality against outcastes linked Untouchable with broader, parallel struggles unfolding across the globe, from the industrial underbelly of Britain to the Jim Crow South. Richard Wright, an African-American writer, uncovered systematic racism in the US, robbing Black communities of dignified life with Native Son (1940). Like Bakha, Wright introduced the world to Bigger Thomas, a young African-American boy from Chicago who was crushed and criminalised by structural violence. Although Anand and Wright never met, through Bakha and Bigger Thomas, they powerfully held up a mirror to societal brutality. Orwell, Anand, and the BBC In the 1940s, when the Second World War was at its peak, Anand was offered the position of Talks Assistant at the BBC's Indian Service in London. Citing political turmoil in India, Anand politely declined the offer, which was then passed on to George Orwell. His desire to serve his country, his wife's ill health, and financial setbacks led him to accept the job. As the new Talks Assistant, Orwell wrote a letter to Anand to convince him to write and broadcast for the BBC. Anand readily agreed. Together, tasked with encouraging anti-imperialist sentiments in India, they worked on several radio talk series. In New Weapons of War, Anand explained the meanings of war-related phrases such as 'Pluto-Democracy,' 'Propaganda,' and 'New Order,' terms commonly spoken yet poorly understood. According to Abha Sharma Rodrigues' doctoral thesis, George Orwell, The BBC, and India: A Critical Study, despite several ideological differences, the early life experiences of Anand and Orwell bore striking similarities. Not only did the zeal of reform motivate them to write, but they also went to great lengths to experience the pain of the lowest orders of society. While Anand spent time at Sabarmati Ashram, living with the untouchables and performing the tasks of a sweeper, Orwell resigned from the Indian Imperial Police and chose to live in slums, working menial jobs like a dishwasher in restaurants. As Anand uncovered casteism in Untouchable, Orwell exposed classism in Down and Out in Paris and London (1933), laying bare the grim realities of poverty and exclusion in Europe's capitals. Often criticised as hypocritical and ironic, it remains debatable whether the BBC's wartime efforts to encourage anti-imperialist sentiments in India were successful. However, Orwell and Anand's experiments with language resulted in innovative broadcasts like New Weapons of War. Due to rising differences with the organisation, Orwell left the BBC in 1943, while Anand overlapped his tenure and continued to freelance as a scriptwriter and broadcaster until the end of the war. With India inching closer to freedom, he returned home and founded MARG (Modern Architectural Research Group) magazine in 1946. Drawing together the threads of his remarkable life, Anand emerges not just as a writer but as a fearless combatant whose participation in the global politics of resistance will always be remembered. From the prison cell in Amritsar to the trenches of war-torn Madrid, and from debates in Bloomsbury to broadcasting radio talks at the BBC, Anand's journey was not limited to writing. It was about proactively utilising every platform to challenge power and expose violence against the lowest orders of society, be it outcasts in India or coal miners in London. As we enter the age of renewed censorship and systemic oppression, the legacy of Anand reminds us that literature is not merely a mirror; it can be a weapon. You just have to wield it with some empathy forged in conviction and finally aim squarely at the architecture of injustice.

Row over ‘terrorist' reference to freedom fighters in exam paper; varsity V-C issues apology for grave mistake
Row over ‘terrorist' reference to freedom fighters in exam paper; varsity V-C issues apology for grave mistake

Indian Express

time10 hours ago

  • Indian Express

Row over ‘terrorist' reference to freedom fighters in exam paper; varsity V-C issues apology for grave mistake

A CONTROVERSY erupted after a history question paper at the state-run Vidyasagar University in Paschim Medinipur referred to freedom fighters as 'terrorists,' triggering strong political reactions and prompting the institute to issue a public apology, calling it a 'printing mistake.' Following protests by students, the university's Vice-Chancellor Dilipkumar Kar issued an apology on Thursday, terming the incident a 'grave mistake'. The contentious question, printed in Bengali, read: 'Who were the three District Magistrates killed by the terrorists of Midnapore?' It appeared in a history question paper distributed to fourth-semester students on Wednesday. As the question circulated among students, dozens gathered in front of V-C Kar's office, raising slogans: 'We demand an answer — why were brave freedom fighters insulted?' and 'You must apologise!' Vice-Chancellor Kar said, 'We are deeply saddened. This is not a routine error. It is unacceptable and we seek forgiveness.' He said a probe committee was constituted within 24 hours of the incident. 'It was a printing mistake that went unnoticed during proofreading. Once the paper was circulated, there was no time to make corrections. I have asked the controller of examinations to submit a detailed report,' said Kar. The three 'slain district magistrates' referred to in the question were James Peddie, Robert Douglas and Bernard Berge, who were gunned down in a span of three years for their tyranny in Midnapore (Medinipur). Academic Pabitra Sarkar condemned the error, saying, 'It is unthinkable in Independent India to refer to youths who fought British oppression as 'terrorists '— a term used by the colonial rulers.' Leader of Opposition in West Bengal Assembly Suvendu Adhikari in a post on X described the terrorist reference as 'absolutely outrageous.' 'The administrative authorities of Vidyasagar University have once again insulted our revered freedom fighters by labeling the brave revolutionaries of Medinipur as 'militants' and 'terrorists' in the 2025 History Honours sixth semester question paper,' he said. 'This is not an isolated mistake but a deliberate distortion of our history, repeating the same disgraceful error from 2023 under the watch of Dr Nirmal Kumar Mahato, Head of the History Department and a known TMC affiliate in WBCUPA (West Bengal College and University Professors Association); TMC's political organisation comprising professors,' Adhikari added. 'Shockingly, no action has been taken against Dr Mahato despite his repeated oversight failures. Worse still, his stature has risen, he was promoted to Joint Secretary of WBCUPA after the 2023 blunder. For the unversed; the tyrannical British District Magistrates; Burge (1933), Peddie (1931), and Douglas (1932) were targeted by Indian freedom fighters. Peddie was killed by Bimal Dasgupta and Jyotijiban Ghosh,' the BJP leader posted online. The BJP leader questioned whether the elevation of Mahato an endorsement of Trinamool Congress's belief that 'our freedom fighters were militants and terrorists.' 'Is this political elevation of Dr. Nirmal Kumar Mahato, an endorsement of TMC's belief that our freedom fighters were militants and terrorists? The Vice Chancellor's refusal to act only deepens the suspicion of political protectionism. This is a blow to every Indian who honours our independence struggle. I demand immediate accountability, the removal of Dr Mahato, and a thorough investigation into this institutional failure. Will TMC clarify if they stand by this shameful narrative?,' he said. Mahato could not be contacted for comment, while university sources described Adhikari's remarks as 'unfortunate.' Trinamool Congress (TMC) state general secretary Kunal Ghosh distanced the party from the controversy, saying, 'The questions were set by a few persons, not the education department. It needs to be investigated who approved the question paper.' CPI(M) leader Sujan Chakraborty and Congress leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury also condemned the terminology, calling it 'unthinkable and unimaginable in independent India' and held the TMC government accountable for allowing such a lapse under its watch. Causing further embarrassment to the varsity, the BA Honours Political Science exam was cancelled on Friday after it was discovered that the question paper was 'out of syllabus.' University authorities said fresh tests would be conducted next week. Educationist Chinmat Guha said, 'This is not an individual error. Preparing a question paper is a collective process. This is a serious lapse at multiple levels.' In 2019, freedom fighters Khudiram Bose and Prafulla Chaki were described as terrorists in Class 8 state textbooks, leading to public outcry. The then Education Minister Partha Chatterjee had promised in the Assembly that the error would be corrected and apologised on behalf of the department. — WITH PTI INPUTS (Anisha Ghosh is an intern at the Kolkata office of The Indian Express)

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