Sanef and partners launch initiative to protect journalists and human rights defenders
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Human rights organisations and the South African National Editors' Forum (Sanef) have launched a new initiative to protect journalists and human rights defenders from any form of threat and intimidation.
Sanef, Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR) and Amnesty International SA, launched 'Create Project' to safeguard journalists and human rights from rising threats in the form of online abuse, physical intimidation, surveillance and harassment.
The project, called Capacitating Resilience, Enhancing Accountability and Transforming the Environment (Create), aims to strengthen the protection of journalists and human rights defenders in Southern Africa.
The organisations said journalists and human rights defenders in South Africa and the region are facing rising threats in the form of online abuse, physical intimidation, surveillance and harassment in the face of a global anti-rights movement.
This comes as the organisations celebrated World Freedom Day on Saturday.
May 3 acts as a reminder to the governments of the need to respect their commitment to press freedom.
The organisations said the initiative recognised that attacks on media freedom and civic activism were not isolated and that they are part of a broader pattern aimed at silencing truth and undermining the democratic space.
The project is designed to push back against that.
In March 2018, former EFF deputy president, Floyd Shivambu, who is now the umKhonto weSizwe (MK) party secretary general, was caught on camera intimidating a multimedia journalist Adrian de Kock outside parliament.
In 2020, police in Swaziland raided the home of Zweli Martin Dlami, the editor of the Swaziland News, and arrested him for two articles he published about King Mswati III, lying about the political and economic situation and accusing him of promoting a cultural ceremony where women could be sexually abused. His laptops, cellphones, hard drives and other electronic devices were also seized.
In April 2021, SABC Radio news journalist Phanuel Shuma was forced to lay a charge of intimidation with police after brothers Manqoba and Lucky Khoza, who were accused of murder and a prosecutor accused of taking a bribe, wanted him to derail their case, at his workplace in Pretoria.
In 2022, human rights defenders Ayanda Ngila and Siyabonga Manqele were murdered and joined the growing list of activists who have been assassinated for their work, like environmental activist Mam'Fikile Ntshangase and whistleblower Babita Deokaran, who were killed for their role in advocating for the rights of marginalised communties and speaking out against corruption.
The new initiative aims to build a safe, supportive, and responsive environment where journalists can do their work without fear, and where defenders of human rights can continue to raise their voices without being punished for it.
Sanef executive director Reggy Moalusi said, 'This is a key training initiative, coming at the right time when journalists across southern Africa are increasingly being harassed and intimidated. We seek to see a better environment where journalists are better treated and are allowed to do their work without any fear of being hunted down by those who simply hate the work they do, and they are afraid of being exposed for all the wrongdoing.'
At the core of the project is the development of a system where journalists can report threats and harassment safely and confidentially. These reports will not only help secure emergency support for those in immediate danger but will also contribute to a growing body of evidence that can be used to hold perpetrators accountable and influence legal and policy reforms.
Amnesty International SA executive director Shenilla Mohamed said, 'This is an important project which underscores the work Amnesty International South Africa, along with other organisations, has been doing on human rights defenders. Journalists, like all human rights defenders, need to be protected. Attacks on journalists ultimately restrict the right to freedom of expression in the country and have the potential to limit the right of the public to access accurate information in the public interest. A vibrant and free press is a key building block of any society.'
By collecting and analysing data on threats and trends, the CREATE project will help shape more informed responses from policymakers, media organizations, and human rights institutions. The aim is to close the gaps that currently allow perpetrators of harassment and violence to act without consequence.
The organisations added that to protect press freedom, the broader environment must be safe for all defenders of rights and democracy. The project strengthens referral networks and access to information so that more defenders, not just those in major cities or established media, can get help when they need it most.
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Daily Maverick
8 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
How South Africa fell into the dull political loop of becoming boring
The death of meaningful political advancement means that South Africa has become stuck in a rut of its own carving. Is there a way forward? Remember when South Africa used to be fun? Remember when the memes slammed into each other like neutrons and electrons, causing small explosions every 15 seconds or so? Remember when there was a fancy term for corruption? Remember when optimism and pessimism cycled around each other in an endless loop, and didn't always land on 'this sucks'? Yeah, me neither. South Africa has become boring. I'm not talking about a lack of political spectacle — there is still Floyd Shivambu scurrying around the kleptocratic wilds looking for a political party to hide behind, and the general idiocy at MK, which is eating itself, like faecal parasites. There is still President Cyril Ramaphosa trying to assert himself on the local stage while playing a pliant mouse in the White House. There's still the alleged drama within the alleged GNU, really just a coalition government and horse-trading forum where the Ramaphosa wing of the ANC and the house-trained wing of the DA bargain on behalf of their backers. Nor am I using 'boring' as a simile for 'blandly functional' — a sort of Scandinavian or Botswana-ish plodding along that results in something akin to stability. What I mean is boring in the true sense of the term — an endless drilling down into the depths of utter nothingness. Is anything happening in South Africa that could be meaningfully termed progress? If you're a capitalist, is the economy growing? If you're a socialist, is the economy becoming fairer? If you're a communist, is anyone at all being sent to the gulag? I'd wager no. Apologists for the coalition government point out several areas where something seems to be moving. The Hawks, South Africa's crack cops, appear to have pulled the proverbial thumb out, and have made some big arrests. The National Prosecuting Authority sort of/kind of won a case. The Transnet baddies have finally been arrested, even though most South Africans (outside of Cape Town) have forgotten what a train looks like. But even with these dogged, incremental improvements, crime and corruption are so embedded in the South African political, economic, social and cultural space that it hardly touches sides. Always accomplished sports-washers, South Africans can point to the excellent performance of our major teams in international competitions, but it's worth remembering that tiny East Germany cleaned up at the Olympic Games during the Cold War, and no one in West Germany was risking their life to hop the wall into the German Democratic Republic (GDR). Culturally, the music and movie booms teased during the 90s and noughties have stalled out. There is no meaningful support of artists in this country, which means talent gets strangled at birth. The Sports and Culture minister can't do sport and wouldn't know culture if JM Coetzee's entire bibliography was tattooed on his butt cheeks. The DTIC under Parks Tau has become exclusively focused on ensuring that American preferential trade deals remain in place, despite the fact that America thinks it's being screwed by Lesotho. The department no longer assesses applications for film industry tax rebates, a standard industry stimulus that pertains in any market that hopes to draw filmmaking talent. Tau has single-handedly killed the industry, through sheer ignorance and lassitude. (There are also those sweet sweet Lotto tenders, which may or may not have cost deputy minister Andrew Whitfield his gig.) Sure, there are individual politicians who are truly gifted—I'm thinking Geordin Hill-Lewis in Cape Town, and perhaps a handful of other players here and there. But Helen 'Supreme Karen' Zille has auditioned for the role of Johannesburg Executive Mayor, a role that has not been blessed with talent of late. Zille, a vet of State Capture and Ramaphosa's first-term Race Grift Wars, feels like an absurd anachronism at this point. And the only people keeping Julius Malema alive are her allied American race warriors, who don't seem to understand — because they don't understand anything — that Malema has no constituency, and no power base. So what's next? Zuma for president? Sort of. Deputy President Paul Mashitile, at this point a shoe-in for the ANC's next leader, did state capture before there was State Capture. As a ranking member of the Gauteng ANC mafia, he is adept at taking a piece of the action, and will only entrench and deepen South Africa's kleptocratic tendencies. It's all so boring. So where is the pushback? Part of the problem is that most people seem to be waiting for the coalition to click, and have deferred the responsibilities of citizenship to their proxies inside government. (See: the VAT fight.) But the coalition won't click, as should be perfectly plain now. As this suggests, the bigger problem is an existential exhaustion. First, there was the fight against apartheid. Then, there was the fight against State Capture. Now, there is the fight against reverse anti-white apartheid. (I'm kidding, I'm kidding.) The population of this country has been stirred up into a big mound of lukewarm mieliemeal — cheap carbs, hold the gravy. So much of it comes down to the fact that the dispensation just hasn't served the majority, not even close. I'm going to quote Peter Thiel here. Yup, Peter 'I Pull The Heads Off Babies' Thiel: 'When one has too much student debt or if housing is too unaffordable, then one will have negative capital for a long time … and if one has no stake in the capitalist system, then one may well turn against it.' No shit, homie. Most South Africans have tacitly turned against the system. The MK party's surge at the polls was a protest vote that functioned as a large raised middle finger at the establishment. And so downward we bore, deeper into the Earth's core than our defunct gold mines. It is perhaps ironic that South Africa's most interesting politician just won the Democratic primary for mayor in New York City. I know, calling Zohran Mamdani South African is a stretch, but he was educated here, and one imagines part of his world-view was formed here. Maybe that's why he can so clearly see through the guff, and understand that a politics of fairness, driven for and by the majority, is the only way forward. It's telling that both Republicans and Democrats are flipping out over the guy, as of course would any South African politician. Mamdani's platform leaves no room for grift, for the double-dealing and self-enrichment that has become the hallmark of postmodern politics. That's why we're boring, and why we'll keep digging our own deep graves. And why Mamdani presents a way forward that South Africans would do well to consider. DM


Mail & Guardian
16 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Shivambu's predatory politics
Floyd Shivambu's new political project masks its predatory character in the language of liberation. Photo: Lunga Mzangwe On 24 June, Zohran Mamdani won the New York City Democratic mayoral primary. Three days later Floyd Shivambu launched his Mayibuye consultation process, introducing what he called a national consultation team as the first step toward forming a new political party. Mamdani's victory was the result of an impressive grassroots mobilisation — more than 50,000 volunteers knocked on more than 1.5 million doors. Neighbourhood assemblies and local coalitions — including tenant unions, transport justice groups, migrant groups and faith-based networks — were organised in working-class and migrant areas. Mamdani's platform emerged directly from these encounters and included proposals for city-run grocery stores stocked with affordable healthy food, free, safe and efficient buses, universal childcare supported by unionised care work, a rent freeze on one million homes and the construction of 200,000 affordable homes. His success reminds us of something that was well understood in South Africa in the 1980s: that careful bottom-up organising rooted in respectful dialogue with people can build an insurgent left political project.. Mamdani is a gifted young man but, as John French shows in his book on Lula da Silva, political charisma is developed in the ongoing relationship between a leader and the led. It is co-constructed through shared effort, recognition and building trust over time. Mamdani's authority was not simply declared. It was built through long, patient work among people struggling with rent, transport, food, and the structural denial of their dignity. This is very different from the way in which Shivambu, along with Julius Malema, built his charisma through social media and carefully staged rallies, both often inviting dispossessed people to compensate for their suffering by identifying with an assertion of masculinist power. Online expression that finds a sufficiently resonant note in a moment of political intensity can pull people into stadiums or the streets but it doesn't build the kind of sustained movements that can achieve deep structural change. That requires many things, including the development of leaders with the kind of charisma built in vast numbers of meetings over many years, meetings in which leaders listen as much or more than they speak. At their best these kinds of meetings generate a transformative sense of shared participation in the construction of an ethic and vision of the common good. For Frantz Fanon, evidently carrying vestiges of the Catholicism with which he was raised: 'The branch meeting and the committee meeting are liturgical acts. They are privileged occasions given to a human being to listen and to speak … the eye discovers a landscape more and more in keeping with human dignity.' Like Fanon, Amílcar Cabral understood that leaders in national liberation movements are often initially blind to the political capacities of the most oppressed — and come to recognise them through shared participation in struggle. In a 1970 speech, he said that 'The leaders realise, not without a certain astonishment, the richness of spirit, the capacity for reasoned discussion and clear exposition of ideas, the facility for understanding and assimilating concepts on the part of population groups who yesterday were forgotten, if not despised, and who were considered incompetent by the colonisers and even by some nationals …' Shivambu quoted Cabral at the announcement of his new political project, but his political style is far removed from the kind of patient political labour affirmed by Cabral. He adopts the strongman posture typical of the politics of the Economic Freedom Fighters and uMkhonto (MK) weSizwe party — claiming the role of a leader who will direct his people from the front. There is, though, a fundamental difference between a politics mobilised to enable an aspirant counter-elite to smash its way into power and wealth and a politics that, affirming the equal humanity and dignity of all people as a starting point for action, seeks to build towards collective advancement. Both speak in the name of the people but one seeks to redistribute power and wealth among elites; the other to redistribute power and wealth and build institutions — public housing, healthcare, education, transport — in ways that enable the material and social advancement of the people as a whole. When the redistribution of power and wealth among elites is achieved at the direct expense of the public good it is well described as a predatory project. In contemporary South Africa, it has long been common for the kind of aspirant counter-elites that rallied round the 'Radical Economic Transformation' project to present the rules established to ensure the integrity of the management of public funds, institutions and services as a barrier to transformation. Efforts to bypass or undo these rules are often legitimated as a continuation of the national liberation struggle via new means on a new terrain. This is the politics of the synecdoche: a part is taken for the whole, the enrichment of the few as progress for everyone. But the appropriation of public funds for private gain can only compound the crisis of impoverishment and institutional dysfunction. Shivambu carries the wreckage of the VBS Mutual Bank scandal into his new project. There is a noble tradition of robbing banks to fund revolutions but looting a bank that holds the life savings of pensioners, the funds of burial societies, and money from small municipalities for personal enrichment is not just repulsive, it is also plainly predatory. Shivambu also comes out of Zuma's MK party, a chaotic, paranoid mess of a party organised around the cult of a deeply corrupt and authoritarian man, imbricated in all kinds of chauvinism and functioning as a pole of attraction for a set of deeply compromised people. Shivambu's announcement that he was working towards a new party included the announcement of his collaborators. One is Vusi Khoza. Khoza, in the manner typical of political opportunists, has moved through several political formations over the years, one starkly ideologically incompatible with the others. He began his political career as an ANC ward councillor in Durban, later joining the National Freedom Party (NFP), from which he resigned in 2012 after being convicted for his leading role in a xenophobic attack. In 2009, a crowd of about 100 people, many armed, stormed a building in Albert Park in Durban. Two people, one a Zimbabwean and the other a Tanzanian, jumped to their deaths while trying to escape the mob. A Mozambican survived the jump but was seriously injured. Khoza resigned from the NFP after his conviction and then joined the EFF, rising to become the party's provincial chairperson in KwaZulu-Natal and later an MP. He was expelled from the EFF in 2023. Patrick Sindane has been announced as another leading figure in Shivambu's project. He was expelled from the Anti-Privatisation Forum in 2009 after a credible internal disciplinary process found him and two others guilty of involvement in the gang rape of a sex worker. He was arrested but the criminal case did not proceed because the complainant disappeared. In 2013 Sindane was accused of rape again. The other well-known figure in Shivambu's team is Steven Zondo, a Pentecostal leader who, following an all-too-familiar script, has misused religion to sanctify exploitation and abuse. Zondo is currently standing trial for seven counts of rape. In March Judge Mokhine Mosopa dismissed Zondo's attempt to have the case thrown out, ruling that the witnesses, who have been subject to extensive cross-examination, were 'credible, reliable and trustworthy.' Testimony given before the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities has included allegations of child rape. Shivambu has, of course, also enthusiastically associated himself with Shepherd Bushiri, who faces an avalanche of serious criminal charges — among them eight counts of rape, including the rape of minors, and massive fraud. Aimé Césaire, the great anti-colonial intellectual and one of the great poets of the last century, wrote that 'When the world shall be a tower of silence … we shall be the prey and the vulture.' Shivambu and the people he has sought to build his new party with are predatory men preying off a traumatised and often desperate society in the name of religion and national liberation. Cabral would hold Shivambu and his project in nothing but contempt. Mamdani's success is a timely reminder — one that resonates with the best of our own political history — that genuine left politics builds popular participation in the work of constructing new forms of power directed toward the common good. Richard Pithouse is distinguished research fellow at the Global Centre for Advanced Studies, an international research scholar at the University of Connecticut and professor at large at the University of the Western Cape.

The Star
5 days ago
- The Star
Behind the scenes of South African politics: Betrayal, manipulation, and survival
Ayanda Mdluli | Published 3 days ago I remember when I was still in high school as a troubled and rebellious youth, my father would try to inflict discipline with his long lectures and life stories whenever I stepped out of line. He would always lecture me about the value of not making stupid mistakes in life. His argument was that "stupid mistakes" were preventable and that they did not have to happen at all, as long as you had the strategic foresight to see them coming. He would try to drill this in my head for as long as I can remember over quite a number of years, all the way through university and right into corporate. When I look back at my life and how far I have come, I look at all the "stupid mistakes" that I have made and have come to the realisation that each and every trial and tribulation that I have been through was very preventable had I applied strategic foresight. Yes we make mistakes, but in almost every instance, the stupid ones are those that could have been prevented had you gone with your original gut feeling. However, be that as it may, the important thing is how you learn and grow from that experience and whether or not you take accountability for your actions and the consequences that come with it. When I flip the script on these life lessons and compare them with the murky waters of South African politics, I draw the conclusion that the stakes have never been higher, and simultaneously, the mistakes have never been "stupider". What has emerged from the corridors of the MK Party regarding the recent spat between key figures Floyd Shivambu and Nhlamulo Ndhlela serves as a cautionary tale, illustrating that trust, loyalty, and alliances can dissolve in an instant, leaving chaos and intrigue in their wake. The dramatic fallout from their conflict highlights a fundamental truth about the political landscape, and that is even the people closest to you may have hidden agendas that can lead to betrayal. As someone who has been a political, financial and investigative journalist in my career, through the lens of my pen, I cannot help but recall some sobering lessons that I have learned over the last 17 years or so. Here are a few hard truths about playing politics in the South African context: Our bedfellows can be fickle, which means you better sleep with one eye open. Those you share your life with are not immune to the allure of power and money. In politics, "loyalty" can often be an elusive concept. What we do know now though is that, in politics there are no permanent enemies, but only permanent interests. Secondly, your best friends may be your worst enemies. The very people you trust may take compromising photos or evidence of your vulnerabilities, wielding them as dangerous weapons in the cutthroat game of political chess. Who can forget, the "imagine this in your mouth" saga not too long ago which is a case in point. Lastly, In this brutal arena, the threats extend far beyond political rivalry. In the world of Izinkabi and hitmen in KZN, for a fee, colleagues might collude against you, ready to orchestrate a personal demise, whether through sly ambitions or acts of violence. Usually, all it takes is one or two bullets to get you out of the way; look no further than the Sindiso Magaqa murder and its impact in modern day politics. The immoral underbelly of politics is further complicated by the presence of manipulators and smoke screens that disguise true intentions. How is it so easy for politicians to give their word on something, and then a few minutes later change colours like a chameleon and continue to smile in your face like nothing happened? That is just diabolical. As one scandal after another unfolds in various political parties in South Africa, it is evident that maintaining a keen awareness of one's surroundings is paramount in navigating such a treacherous environment. Success in politics depends on one's ability to differentiate between genuine allies and those biding their time until the opportunity to strike arises. For those aspiring to thrive in this toxic environment of deceit, deception, treachery and ever-present danger, it is essential to employ caution, vigilance, and a strategic mindset. In short, do not make stupid mistakes. With personal betrayals exposed and political futures hanging in the balance, the latest drama within the MK Party raises pressing questions about the integrity of South African politics. Let this be a lesson for all. * The opinions expressed in this article does not necessarily reflect the views of the newspaper. DAILY NEWS