
Strategic pivot, not pullback, if US troops relocate from Korea, says Harris
SEOGWIPO, Jeju Island — Repositioning of US forces on the Korean Peninsula, even if it occurs, would not signify a diminution of America's defense commitment to South Korea, but rather reflect a strategic and holistic recalibration to meet regional challenges across the Indo-Pacific region, former US Ambassador to South Korea Harry Harris said.
Harris repudiated 'stovepiped' approaches, underscoring the improbability of conceiving of a contingency on the Korean Peninsula as discrete from a Taiwan crisis or other potential regional flashpoints, in an interview with The Korea Herald on the sidelines of the Jeju Forum at the International Convention Center Jeju.
Anxiety over a possible reduction in the roughly 28,500 US troops in South Korea has flared anew, following a Wall Street Journal report in May that the Pentagon is weighing an option to pull out approximately 4,500 troops and move them to other locations in the Indo-Pacific region. Pentagon chief spokesperson Sean Parnell publicly stated that the report of a US Forces Korea drawdown is 'not true,' but his denial has done little to assuage Seoul's concerns.
'There's always the possibility that we're going to restructure forces in the Pacific, but it's not a scaling back,' said Harris, a former four-star admiral in the US Navy and former commander of US Pacific Command, when asked about the prospect and feasibility of a USFK reduction.
'That term has a negative connotation. It implies that we're somehow going to reduce our commitment to Korea. I don't think that will ever happen.'
Harris pointed to the Pentagon's classified internal 'Interim National Defense Guidance' — which he has not seen but was reported by the Washington Post in late March — as signaling a shift in US military focus to the Indo-Pacific region, with China identified as the central focus.
'That's not a negative reduction of forces. That's so that we are better postured to defend Korea and meet our obligations to our other treaty allies and deal with the possibility of having to confront China over Taiwan,' Harris said.
Harris underscored the need for the US military to break down stovepipes to better cope with regional threats, admitting, 'We have been stovepiped in our approach to operational planning, and I was guilty of that when I was the PACOM commander.'
'We have the Taiwan problem, we have the North Korea problem, and we have the China problem, and we tend to look at these as if they're independent problem sets without any spillover of effects. And that's wrong. We have to look at it holistically,' Harris said.
'If we move forces from Korea to somewhere else, it's so that we can better integrate all of the challenges that we face in the Indo-Pacific. It's not a reduction in commitment; it's a refocusing of our ability to meet all of the challenges that confront us.'
Asked whether the number of US troops in South Korea, by itself, is what matters most in terms of deterrence and the strength of the alliance, Harris said, 'No, it is not.'
'It is the commitment to defend Korea to the best of our ability in order to meet our treaty obligations,' Harris explained. 'If — this is a big if, this is hypothetical again — if North Korea invaded South Korea again, then it would require far more than the 28,000 troops that are here in South Korea to help South Korea defend itself.'
Harris further highlighted that the US has air force wings and marine units stationed in Japan, and that the US 7th Fleet is based in Yokosuka, stating, 'There are forces that will come from all over the region.'
In response to Seoul's growing apprehensions regarding the strategic flexibility of US Forces Korea, Harris emphasized that the issue ought to be viewed within the broader framework of addressing regional challenges through a holistic approach.
Strategic flexibility means the ability to be rapidly redeployed for expeditionary operations and used for broader regional missions beyond the Korean Peninsula, including a potential Taiwan contingency.
'It would be hard to imagine a North Korean scenario independent of a Taiwan scenario, or some other scenario, if they were to happen. I see the hidden hand of China in a lot of this. And so, we cannot look at these things as independent actions,' Harris said.
'We have to consider them in a holistic way. And so that's why strategic flexibility is important — not only for the United States, but it's important for South Korea as well.'
OPCON transfer when conditions are met
With regard to the South Korean military's regaining of wartime operational control, or OPCON, Harris said the transfer will take place once the conditions agreed upon by both allies are met.
'There's no resistance from the United States on the idea of OPCON transition,' Harris said. 'I think it's simply a matter of meeting the conditions that were determined, and that's just a matter of time, effort and money.'
When asked what ought to be the foremost priority for the South Korean military to further bolster its capabilities, should the US request that it assume a greater share of responsibility in countering North Korean threats, Harris identified command and control as one of the foremost priorities.
'One is command and control, which is not a thing, but a capability, in order to effectively command and control forces — including US forces,' Harris said.
'So, in order to effectively command and control forces — including US forces — if we achieve OPCON transition, the transition of operational control of Korean forces during wartime, then Korea will have to have the ability to command and control American forces as well as, obviously, Korean forces, for which you already have that capability.'
Harris denied that any shift had taken place, responding to a question about whether the nature of the Korea-US alliance has changed under President Donald Trump's 'America First' doctrine.
'No, I don't think so. I think it's about focusing on the threats and how we are going to meet our treaty obligations.'
At the same time, Harris noted that while burden-sharing negotiations are expected to continue, Washington's strategic focus is now shifting toward China and the broader Indo-Pacific region.
As for Seoul, a debate exists over whether it should seek greater autonomy in its alliance amid Washington's more inward-looking 'America First' foreign policy. In response to such calls, Harris was unequivocal: 'Today, the alliance is needed more than ever. But that's my opinion.'
'If the South Korean people, as manifested by the people they elect into office, feel that the alliance has served its course, or if they feel — that's a hard point — that the alliance should somehow change so that Korea can embark on a more independent course, that's up to Korea,' Harris said.
'It's not up to the United States, nor is it up to anyone else. It's an independent decision that has to be made by both countries. We can't want it more than South Korea wants it.'
dagyumji@heraldcorp.com
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Korea Herald
5 days ago
- Korea Herald
Trump says China trip is 'not too distant' as trade tensions ease
WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump on Tuesday said a trip to China might be 'not too distant,' raising prospects that the leaders of the world's two largest economies may meet soon to help reset relations after moving to climb down from a trade war. Trump made the remarks while hosting Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. at the White House, where he praised the 'fantastic military relationship' with Manila as the US looks to counter China's influence in the Indo-Pacific region. Yet, Trump still said the US is 'getting along with China very well. We have a very good relationship.' He added that Beijing has resumed shipping to the US 'record numbers' of much-needed rare earth magnets, which are used in iPhones and other high-tech products like electric vehicles. Widely speculated about since Trump returned to the White House, a summit between Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping would be expected to stabilize — even for a short while — a difficult relationship defined by mistrust and competition. Beijing believes a leader-level summit is necessary to steady US-China relations and that Trump must be wooed because he has the final say on America's policy toward China, despite more hawkish voices in his Cabinet, observers say. The question, however, is when. Danny Russel, a distinguished fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute, said Trump has consistently shown his hunger for a visit to China and that Beijing has used that to bolster leverage. 'As soon as the leadership in Beijing is satisfied that Trump will be on his best behavior and will accept terms for a deal that they think are favorable, they will give a green light to the visit,' Russel said. Sun Yun, director of the China program at the Washington-based think tank Stimson Center, said a visit 'is in the making' with two sides likely to strike a trade deal. What Trump said might mean the visit would not be in September but 'potentially November, but still depends on whether they play ball on trade and other things we want,' Sun said. Trump's campaign to impose tariffs on other countries kicked off a high-stake trade war with Beijing. China raised tariffs on US goods to 125 percent in response to Trump's hiking the tax on Chinese goods to 145 percent. Both sides also imposed on each other harsh trade restrictions on critical products: China on rare earths, and the US on computing chips and jet engine technology. Trade tensions, however, eased following two rounds of high-level talks in Geneva and London, when the two sides agreed to lower tariffs — pending a more permanent deal by mid-August — and pull back on trade restrictions. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said Tuesday on Fox Business' 'Mornings with Maria' that he will be meeting with his Chinese counterparts in Stockholm next week to work on 'what is likely an extension' of the Aug. 12 deadline. 'I think trade is in a very good place with China,' Bessent told host Maria Bartiromo. 'Hopefully, we can see the Chinese pull back on some of this glut of manufacturing that they're doing and concentrate on building a consumer economy.' He said he also expects to bring up China's purchases of Russian and Iranian oil and Beijing's role in aiding Moscow in its war against Ukraine. Beijing has not announced any travel plans for Vice Premier He Lifeng, who led trade negotiations in both Geneva and London on behalf of the Chinese government, but it is not unusual for China to make such announcements closer to a travel date. In a possible friendly gesture, Beijing on Tuesday said it suspended an antitrust investigation into chemical maker DuPont's operations in China. China's State Administration for Market Regulation made the announcement in a one-line statement but gave no explanation for the decision. DuPont said in a statement that it is 'pleased' with China's action. Chinese regulators launched the investigation in April against DuPont China Group, a subsidiary of the chemical giant, as part of Beijing's broad, retaliatory response to Trump's sky-high tariffs. Beijing also has agreed to approve export permits for rare earth elements and rare earth magnets that US manufacturers need to build cars, robots, wind turbines and other high-tech products. The US has eased restrictions on some advanced chips and other technologies.


Korea Herald
7 days ago
- Korea Herald
Will Trump seek rendezvous with NK leader during APEC summit in S. Korea?
With a little over 100 days left before an Asia-Pacific summit in South Korea, questions are emerging about whether US President Donald Trump would seek to restart long-stalled diplomacy with North Korea should he decide to travel to attend the high-profile gathering. The White House has not announced whether Trump will join the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit set to take place in the southeastern city of Gyeongju from Oct. 31 to Nov. 1, but observers do not rule out the possibility of him attending the event and eyeing an interaction with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un. Trump has expressed his openness to reengaging with Kim, boasting of his "good" relationship with the reclusive leader. Late last month, he said the United States will "get the conflict solved" with North Korea if there is one -- yet another indication of his desire to resume dialogue with Pyongyang. Despite Trump's repeated show of interest in kick-starting dialogue with Kim, the unpalatable fact for him would be that much will hinge on whether Kim will accede to any diplomatic feeler from the US president at a time when Pyongyang enjoys a deepening partnership with Moscow. "I wouldn't be surprised if some effort would be made by the Trump administration to see if Kim might meet," Andrew Yeo, the SK-Korea Foundation chair at the Brookings Institution's Center for East Asia Policy Studies, told Yonhap News Agency via email. "But it will be Kim, not Trump, who will decide whether a meeting is possible," he added. Rob Rapson, former acting US ambassador to South Korea, said that given "Trump's flair for the dramatic," a visit, meeting or interaction with Kim somewhere in North Korea around the time of the APEC leaders' meeting cannot be completely ruled out. Rapson made the remarks, recalling the impromptu meeting between Trump and Kim at the inter-Korean truce village of Panmunjom in June 2019. It was one of the three meetings that the leaders have had, including the first one in Singapore in June 2018 and the second in Hanoi in February 2019. On Tuesday, South Korea's presidential office said it had sent invitation letters to the leaders of the 21 APEC member economies, including the US, China, Japan and Russia, as it is stepping up preparations for the Gyeongju summit to be held under the main theme of "Building a Sustainable Tomorrow." The likelihood of Trump attending the APEC summit is "considerably high," Cho Hyun, the nominee for foreign minister, told a parliamentary hearing this week without elaborating on the reason why he believed so. Should his APEC participation materialize, Trump might make a diplomatic gesture toward Kim, analysts predicted, as he has vowed to become a "peacemaker" as seen in his continued drive to end the war between Russia and Ukraine and the war between Israel and the Hamas militant group. But doubts remain over the prospects for reengagement as Pyongyang appears to have little appetite for talks with Washington at a time when it relies on Moscow for food, fuel, military support and other forms of aid under a "comprehensive strategic partnership" treaty signed in June last year. Last month, NK News reported that North Korean diplomats in New York had refused to accept a letter from Trump, which was aimed at reestablishing communication channels between Washington and Pyongyang -- a sign that Pyongyang is not ready for talks with the US But a window for engagement could open if Kim judges that he should cut back on -- or at least modulate -- reliance on Russia, whose support for the North could dwindle suddenly when the war in Ukraine winds down, eliminating Moscow's need to depend on Pyongyang for military supplies. Should dialogue between Trump and Kim resume, the North's nuclear quandary is likely to be high on the agenda given Trump's stated commitment to the "complete denuclearization" of North Korea. But many believe that it might be more difficult than past negotiations to seek a denuclearization deal with the North given the headway the recalcitrant regime has made in its nuclear and ballistic missile programs in recent years. The Trump administration's strike on key Iranian nuclear facilities last month might have further reinforced Pyongyang's belief that it should hew to its nuclear "treasure sword" rather than bargaining it away and potentially putting it at risk of foreign attacks. "I think one of the costs of our bombing of Iran is that we may have basically ended CVID with North Korea -- complete, verifiable, irreversible denuclearization with North Korea," Victor Cha, president of the Geopolitics and Foreign Policy Department at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said during a recent CSIS event. "Because if anything, the lesson North Korea has taken away from this is ... we need to keep our weapons to avoid a dozen massive ordinance penetrators being dropped on North Korea, like they were dropped on Iran. I think, if anything, they are reaffirmed in their view that they have pursued the right path." Trump's engagement with Pyongyang, if realized, could move along with the North Korea policy of new South Korean President Lee Jae Myung's administration, which has expressed its hope to improve inter-Korean relations following a rough patch under the former government of conservative former President Yoon Suk Yeol. In a conciliatory gesture last month, the Lee administration suspended loudspeaker propaganda broadcasts against the North along the inter-Korean border, raising cautious hope for improvement in frosty cross-border ties. During his campaign, Lee also pledged to restore the 2018 inter-Korean military tension reduction pact suspended amid tensions between Seoul and Pyongyang during the Yoon administration. Despite the allies' willingness to engage with North Korea, close policy coordination is crucial to avoid unnecessary diplomatic friction, analysts have noted, amid concerns that Trump's direct approach to the North could run the risk of South Korea being sidelined or bypassed from the US leader's diplomatic outreach. The North Korean issue aside, Trump might have a full plate of issues to handle should he join the APEC summit. Among them are tariff issues and his administration's call for greater burden sharing with regional allies and partners, including South Korea. "2025 is perhaps the most challenging APEC year in recent memory, if ever, given the turbulence in the region and beyond generated in large part by President Trump and his administration's aggressive trade, investment and security, burden-sharing policies," Rapson said. Yeo anticipated that if Trump attends the APEC summit, he may discuss new tariffs and trade deals with Asia-Pacific countries, and address America's role in the region and the importance of the Indo-Pacific, a region home to the US' geopolitical rival, China. Given Trump's general dislike for general disdain for multilateral fora, especially where he is not the lead or center of attention, Rapson pointed out that questions are being raised about what role he might play at the APEC summit: "spoiler, disrupter, facilitator" or other roles. (Yonhap)


Korea Herald
15-07-2025
- Korea Herald
Presidential office plays down defense nominee's remarks on OPCON transfer
President Lee Jae Myung's office moved to clarify the administration's position on wartime control of the country's military Tuesday, after the nominee for defense chief, Democratic Party of Korea Rep. Ahn Gyu-back, painted taking full charge of operational control as a key goal. Speaking at a National Assembly hearing on his nomination as defense minister, Ahn said retrieving wartime operational control of the South Korean military from the US-led combined forces was a goal of the Lee administration. "We are aiming to complete the transition (of wartime OPCON) within the Lee administration's term of office," Ahn said in response to a question by People Power Party Rep. Yoon Sang-hyun. The presidential office said however the idea of wartime OPCON transfer within Lee's term office of five years was Ahn's "personal view," and that no deadline has been set. Asked about the projected increase in defense spending once South Korea took full charge of wartime OPCON, Ahn replied, "It depends on the study, but I think it's around 21 trillion won." Reclaiming wartime control of the Korean military, a longtime Democratic Party agenda, was one of Lee's policy pledges as a presidential candidate, although he did not provide a specific timeline on when that might be achieved. Former President Moon Jae-in of the Democratic Party had also sought to retake wartime control authority under the pretext of reducing Korea's reliance on the US for self-defense. At the hearing, Ahn drew the line on South Korea possibly developing nuclear latent capabilities. Nuclear latency is a state of having the technology and infrastructure necessary to build a nuclear weapon without necessarily owning one. Ahn also said that Seoul should always keep a wary eye on Pyongyang. "North Korea hasn't changed since the Korean War. We must always view the North with a question mark in mind, regardless of which administration is in power, but also remember that they are our fellow countrymen," he said. Ahn's remarks on Tuesday build on his interview with The Korea Herald on April 24, when he was chief special adviser to then-presidential runner Lee and already widely speculated to be his top choice for defense chief. In the interview, Ahn said that he believes South Korea should have full control of its military in peacetime and during war. Depending on the US for the country's own defense was turning South Korea's armed forces into a "mommy's boy," he said. Ahn also said in the interview that South Korea's falling out of the Non-Proliferation Treaty to cultivate nuclear capabilities was "not an option."