Back to drawing board for 2026 revised SASSA SRD grant
As such, a draft policy for the revised SASSA SRD grant was initiated with the committee for Social Protection, Community and Human Development back in November 2024. However, the committee sent it back to the DSD on Wednesday this week, citing 'affordability and economic opportunities for beneficiaries.' The none-permanent COVID-19 Social Relief of Distress grant has been extended every year since 2020. Image: File
Before the new-look stipend is approved, it must survive various engagements. Like with the Office of the Presidency, National Treasury and Department of Employment and Labour. The South African Social Security Agency believes this will be concluded within a few months. From there a draft will be published for public comment.
Policymakers from the DSD were told to 'better integrate pathways from income support to employment.' Currently, the grant pays out R370 each month to roughly 9-million beneficiaries living below the poverty line. However, the committee wants to see it become better 'aligned with broader economic objectives,' like jobs … South Africa's unemployment rate has only been increasing in the last decade, forcing many to exist in the informal sector. Image: File
Essentially, the 2026 Basic Income Grant will be for those without jobs, but not to the point of creating long-term dependency on the grant. Therefore, the DSD and SASSA have to improve their data systems and align government programmes to make it work efficiently. Government is concerned that if and when they make the grant permanent, it must be budgeted for every year to remain viable (unlike the current R370 SRD which isn't permanent).
While the department sets to work 'tightening' the revised SASSA SRD grant, it has requested that the National Treasury extend SRD for two more years. However, the Treasury has only approved the continuation of the current SRD grant until March 2026. There's simply not enough taxpayer money to ensure everyone who applies for a SASSA grant will be approved for one. Image: File
In response to yet another delay to the revised SASSA SRD grant, many MPs were scathing of the DSD's work. The EFF's Noluvuyo Tafeni noted the policy has been in development for over two decades and was still not ready. Likewise, the DA's Alexandra Abrahams questioned whether the revised SASSA SRD grant policy would ever see the light of day. Finally, the MK's Nhlanhla Gcwabaza argued that SASSA should work to help people exit the grant system, not make them dependent on it …
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Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ In its ruling, the court instructed Zuma to return to the Zondo Commission within a stipulated time. It went further to state that it was depriving him of his right to remain silent as had been the case, for example, with the late Dudu Myeni. This was also strange. When Zuma failed to appear before the Commission as instructed to do so, he was accused of contempt of court. Subsequently, Justice Sisi Khampepe read a ruling which was riddled with emotions, sending Zuma to jail for fifteen months with no option of a fine. Zuma was given until July 4 to hand himself in, failing which the police were instructed to arrest him on July 7. Khampepe defended her ruling by saying that Zuma was the one who appointed the Commission. As such, it did not make sense why he was frustrating its function. This statement was misplaced on many grounds. Firstly, Zuma did not voluntarily establish the Commission; he was forced by a court of law to do so as Sec 84(2)(f) of the Constitution states. Even then, his prerogative to appoint the person to chair the Commission was removed from him by Advocate Thuli Madonsela's report. Lastly, Sec 9(1) of the Constitution states that 'everyone is equal before the law.' Indeed, Zuma was sent to Estcourt prison. This happened although some South Africans had already raised concerns that the political leadership and the judiciary had colluded to crucify Zuma. Word spread that if Zuma were incarcerated, there would be riots. The political leadership ignored this warning. There was dereliction of duty on the side of the security cluster. 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The real causes of these unrests included political, social and economic factors, which resulted in frustration. The Frustration-Aggression Theory states that when people are frustrated, they resort to unlawful behaviour and join non-governmental forces which resonate with their situation. Currently, South Africans are frustrated. Issues such as corruption, crime, poor standards of living, political appointments, factional politics, increases in petrol prices, and other issues lead to frustration. What is the political leadership doing to contain the situation? Should there be another spark to ignite the inferno, how prepared is the coalition government to deal with that situation? Looking at how things are happening in the country, there is no sign that lessons were learnt from the 2021 riots. * Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu is Director of the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy at Nelson Mandela University. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
