Meals on Me Announces an Exclusive Partnership with Renowned Celebrity Chef Marco Pierre White, Titled as 'The Godfather of Modern Cooking' for the very First Time in the UAE
A Revolution in Food Delivery
Founded in 2019, Meals on Me was created to provide busy professionals and families with nutritious, calorie-calibrated meals without compromising on taste. Balancing health, sustainability, and culinary innovation, the brand has grown into one of the most trusted meal plan providers in the UAE. To date, Meals on Me has delivered over 2 million meals to 70+ nationalities.
Meals on Me offers flexible meal plans ranging from 3-4 days to monthly subscriptions, with six diverse meal options, including Keto, Vegan, Wholesome, Indian, Arabic, and International. Each meal is carefully crafted by expert chefs and nutritionists, ensuring high-quality, fresh, and delicious options that fit seamlessly into hectic lifestyles.
Committed to convenience and quality, Meals on Me meals are free from GMOs, preservatives, added colours, and MSG. Premium ingredients are mostly locally sourced, and the brand uses eco-friendly packaging, reinforcing its dedication to sustainability.
Marco Pierre White Brings Culinary Mastery to Meals on Me
Marco Pierre White, often regarded as the first celebrity chef, became the youngest British chef to achieve three Michelin stars in 1995. Boasting a glittering career spanning decades, White has trained some of the most renowned chefs in the world, including Gordon Ramsay and Curtis Stone. Known for his uncompromising standards and innovative approach to cuisine, White has now turned his expertise to Meals on Me, crafting an exclusive selection of indulgent, gourmet dishes that prioritise flavour and creativity.
Through this partnership, Meals on Me customers will experience gourmet-inspired meal plans, infused with White's signature flair. Moving beyond calorie-counted meals, these creations focus on culinary craftsmanship, delivering dishes that are rich in flavour and gastronomic artistry.
The collaboration was celebrated at a grand launch event on February 19th, where White shared insights into his inspiration behind the curated meals and his vision for redefining the everyday meal experience. The partnership signals a major evolution in the meal plan industry, proving that convenience can be paired with indulgence and exceptional culinary experiences.
Appearance at Taste of Dubai and BBC Good Food Awards Recognition
Further cementing its reputation as a leader in the industry, Meals on Me recently hosted a stand at Taste of Dubai, one of the UAE's most prestigious culinary festivals. Here, the brand showcased its innovative plans and attracted plenty of visitors, who got first-hand insights behind the delicious, health-conscious meals that have made Meals on Me a household name.
Adding to this success, Meals on Me was recently awarded the BBC Good Food Award for Best Diet-Friendly Brand, recognising its efforts to deliver high-quality, nutritious meals that cater to modern lifestyles.
Experience Meals on Me – Where Taste Meets Quality
With the exclusive Marco Pierre White-curated meals now available, there has never been a better time to experience the Meals on Me revolution. Ideal for busy professionals, discerning foodies, and those seeking to enjoy delicious meals without the hassle of cooking every day, Meals on Me provides the perfect balance of taste, creativity, and quality.
Discover the future of meal planning and indulge in gourmet-crafted meal plans delivered straight to your door. Visit https://www.hellomealsonme.com today and embark on a culinary journey that redefines what it means to eat well.
The post Meals on Me Announces an Exclusive Partnership with Renowned Celebrity Chef Marco Pierre White, Titled as 'The Godfather of Modern Cooking' for the very First Time in the UAE appeared first on Web Release.
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Middle East Eye
7 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
Israel's war on Gaza has exposed 'deep divide' within Brics, experts say
As Brics gears up for its annual summit in Rio de Janeiro next week, the group's reluctance to mobilise against Israel's war on Gaza has left a gaping hole in its credibility as an institution purportedly meant to represent the Global South, experts and scholars have said. The failure of Brics to take a bold stance and build consensus in addressing a perilous global climate involving multiple wars and an escalating crisis in the Middle East - including Israel's unprovoked attack on Iran, a member of Brics - illustrates the limitations of the grouping and a structural inability to pose a serious challenge to the US-led world order, the scholars said. Since its inception in 2009, Brics has been touted as an attempt to consolidate economic cooperation as well as reform the international system to better serve the interests of developing economies. Its success has been, at best, patchy, with the group being dogged by internal contradictions and competing member interests that have only appeared to deepen over the past decade. Next week's summit in Rio, starting on 6 July, is already a diluted affair, with both Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping expected to skip the event for reasons that perfectly encapsulate the ambivalence surrounding both the efficacy as well as the political posturing of the bloc itself. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters With Brazil a signatory to the International Criminal Court and compelled to arrest Putin, the Russian leader decided he would join the summit online rather than turn the event into a diplomatic headache that both countries would rather avoid. Likewise, with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi also invited for a state visit to Brazil, the optics of the Indian premier being serenaded on the sidelines of a Brics summit reportedly prompted the Chinese leader to downgrade the importance of the gathering by sending his prime minister instead. 'If Brics' goal is seen as creating an alternative center of political and economic power, Gaza has revealed a deep divide within the organisation' - Somdeep Sen, University of Pretoria As a result, not much is expected to come of the summit. "My feeling is that this summit will simply focus on keeping things chugging along, so to speak, without any major consideration or targeted language in the outcome documents focusing on the big-ticket, geopolitical issues of the day," Priyal Singh, a senior researcher at the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria, told Middle East Eye. Other observers, like Farwa Aamer, director of South Asia Initiatives at the DC-based Asia Society Policy Institute, described Xi Jinping's decision to pull out of the event as a significant and missed opportunity for Beijing and Delhi to speak face-to-face. The absence of Xi Jinping and Putin would also mean that Modi would be the most prominent leader at the summit, which brings about its own set of challenges. India and Brics As one of the core members of Brics, Delhi has been foundational to the development of the collective. It has also leveraged its decade-old position in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and now Brics, as well as its proximity to western powers through its growing economy, to stake a claim as a leader of the Global South and an interlocutor with the West. But under Modi, India has increasingly moved closer to the US, with observers noting that Delhi has sought to clarify that it sees Brics as an economic rather than a geopolitical project. Delhi has also been seen as insistent on both slowing the expansion of Brics as a means to halt Chinese influence over new members already within its sphere of influence and, therefore, temper what is being interpreted as a group geared to take on western hegemony. Whereas there has been significant talk of Brics launching its own currency to replace the US dollar, India has shown it has no interest in doing so, opting instead to champion trade among Brics members via their national currencies. But it's the question of Israel's war on Gaza and the inability of the group to provide leadership to the Global South that has showcased the weakness of the collective. "If Brics' goal is seen as creating an alternative centre of political and economic power, Gaza has revealed a deep divide within the organisation," Somdeep Sen, a research associate at the Centre for Asian Studies in Africa at the University of Pretoria, told MEE. Whereas South Africa has led a case of genocide at the International Court of Justice, and Brics has supported the case as a group, the only other member countries to sign on are Brazil and Egypt. On the other end of the spectrum, Delhi has emerged as one of Israel's biggest defenders since 7 October 2023, after the Hamas-led attacks on Israel. India has also sent weapons to Israel for its war on Gaza, including combat drones and AI weapons, construction workers to replace Palestinian workers, and has refused to endorse an arms embargo on Israel. Delhi's role has even prompted some observers to advise Washington to consider the Brics as a partner instead of an adversary. "Though Brics contains US rivals Russia and China, it also counts as its members Washington's partner states such as Brazil, India, Indonesia, and UAE, which have their own interests different from Moscow and Beijing," Sarang Shidor from the Quincy Institute said this week. Shidor added that Brics could actually help "moderate" China and Russia. But Patrick Bond, from the University of Johannesburg, says it's not just a select few countries that are closer to the US than they would actually like to admit. He told MEE that efforts to valorise Brics as posing weighty opposition to western hegemony detract from the fact that every Brics nation, besides Iran, was economically benefiting from Israel's military-industrial complex. Bond says that while there was a global call for an arms embargo and a halt to economic trade with Israel, Brazilian, Russian and South African companies were still exporting energy to Israel, while DJI, the Chinese state-owned company, was still selling drones to the Israeli military. Moreover, Chinese and Indian companies were involved in the functioning of Israeli ports where weapons and resources were being received. Structural challenges Singh, from the ISS, says that despite the failures, Brics has managed to establish possibly the world's preeminent "mini-lateral" platform amongst countries from the Global South to coordinate a response to the western-led international order. "For some countries, notably South Africa, Brics is also seen as a critical foreign policy component in advancing its 'South-South' agenda, which aims to develop deeper bilateral relations with countries from the Global South based on common values and shared historical experiences," Singh adds. But Singh acknowledges that this agenda has struggled to take shape, by his estimate, because of the inclusion of new initiatives that have detracted from what he describes as the core effort of refining a common agenda towards tackling the international governance system and international financial institutions. In other words, the problem with Brics is structural. Can the Brics end US hegemony in the Middle East? Read More » Whereas the group has issued a call for a ceasefire as well as civilian protection in Gaza, where over 56,000 people have been killed, none of these collective decisions are in any way binding on individual states and therefore have had no effect on individual states' foreign policy objectives. It is "this variance" and "competing interests" between states, Singh says, that keeps the Brics from pursuing greater institutionalisation in the form of either a permanent secretariat or legally binding summit decisions. The contradictions and lack of collective action have left scholars like Sen with a deep sense of cynicism over Brics as a unit. "With Russia facing global isolation, India led by a far-right government pursuing its own interests with little interest in pursuing a collective Brics vision, we can expect a severe weakening of the organisation," Sen said. However, Singh notes that where the group does face the possibility of collapsing under the 'collective weight of its contractions,' he says that the grouping is still likely to stand and continue to have a role, even if only symbolically. "I think its utility, at a symbolic level at the very least, cannot be understated - not just for India or South Africa - but for all five core members," Singh says. "The grouping is essentially a vital component of each of the core members' foreign policy commitments as it relates to concepts and ideas surrounding South-South cooperation, progressive internationalism, and strategic non-alignment. "While these are not necessarily individual common undercurrents for each of the core members, there are nonetheless elements of these that weave themselves into the international relations of all members, making Brics a particularly compelling grouping to remain committed to." Additional research by Amber Rahman.


Middle East Eye
7 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
The spy, private equity baron and ghost of a Trump donor: The revolving door behind a Gaza mercenary firm
The US mercenary firm overseeing a controversial Gaza aid programme is the creation of a bespectacled Chicago private equity baron and a CIA spy with old ties to a Donald Trump ally who participated in one of the Middle East's nastiest diplomatic rifts. The story of Safe Reach Solutions (SRS) exemplifies the shadowy revolving door between old spies and Middle Eastern states, one that is increasingly being monetized by American investors flush with cash. The spies running SRS also have old links to an intelligence company owned by a wealthy patron of pro-Israeli groups. The intelligence firm, Circinus, is little known today but is unmistakable among diplomats and officials who remember the feud between Qatar and its Gulf neighbours during the first Trump administration. Since Israel went to war on Gaza, SRS has sent Arabic-speaking mercenaries to oversee aid distributed by the controversial US- and Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters The GHF has come under intense scrutiny by human rights experts and aid groups. Palestinian health officials say hundreds of civilians have been killed trying to obtain food from GHF distribution sites in the last month. The United Nations has called the GHF's hubs "death traps". Last week, 15 human rights and legal organisations said the GHF may be complicit in international crimes. This week, contractors guarding aid sites in Gaza told the BBC and AP on condition of anonymity that the live ammunition was being used on Palestinians seeking food. In response, the GHF said its team was composed of seasoned humanitarian, logistics and security professionals and that people with a "vested interest" were trying to make the aid organisation fail. A spokesperson for SRS told the AP that there hadn't been any serious injuries at their sites. SRS's creation mirrors that of dozens of private military firms that mushroomed after the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, when the Middle East was awash with money for mercenaries. There are many layers to this lucrative world. For two decades, former soldiers deployed to war zones like Yemen, Libya and Afghanistan with firms that won big US or foreign government contracts. In some cases, these foot soldiers could earn $1,000 a day during deployments. In the social media age, their jobs are losing some of their shadowiness. SRS went on a LinkedIn recruiting spree earlier this year before deploying to Gaza, MEE revealed. A level up are the former intelligence officers-cum-diplomats turned consultants who run the organisations. They oversee the ground troops and do the wheeling and dealing in Middle East capitals. SRS is run by one with an enviable pedigree: Phil Reilly. Reilly is a former CIA officer who trained Contra fighters in Nicaragua, deployed to Afghanistan after the September 11 attacks, and served as the CIA's deputy station chief in Baghdad. He became a household name among Middle Eastern defence chiefs, serving as one of the key officials linking the CIA and the Department of Defence during the early days of the US's drone programme. "The drone programme made Phil a famous guy in the region's right circles," one former CIA official told MEE. Ghosts of Trump's past: Circinus Reilly himself was no stranger to bouncing around defence and intelligence companies hawking their services across the Middle East. He was also bound to be known among allies of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for his previous work as a director at Circinus, sources told MEE. Reilly served on the firm's board. He joined in 2016, shortly after Circinus was acquired by Elliot Broidy, a one-time Trump donor and hawkish Jewish American supporter of Israel, according to public records. During the first Trump administration, Broidy's Circinus was awarded contracts worth more than $200m to do defence work for the United Arab Emirates, according to The New York Times. Broidy's firm was doing work for the tiny Gulf state during a time of unprecedented tensions with neighbouring Qatar. Israeli documents reveal further American interests in firm guarding Gaza aid hubs Read More » In 2017, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates announced a blockade on Qatar, accusing it of supporting political Islamists who they said were a threat to their rule. The Times reported that Broidy lobbied the Trump administration to take a hard line on Qatar. Broidy later sued the government of Qatar over an alleged hack of his records. Broidy later pleaded guilty in 2020 to conspiring to violate foreign lobbying laws on behalf of Chinese and Malaysian interests. He was pardoned by Trump in January 2021. MEE repeatedly attempted to contact Broidy for comment but did not receive a response by the time of publication. Reilly is not the only person in SRS linked to Circinus. MEE revealed last month Israeli filings that reveal SRS is supported by a slew of seasoned US government contractors. Charles Africano, who is listed as an officer in the company, was also listed as a point of contact for Circinus until the page was taken down for maintenance after MEE's story was published last month. Broidy has re-emerged as a vocal supporter of Israel since its war on Gaza began in October 2023. He has rebranded his company, Circinus Worldwide. In an interview published on Medium in March 2025, he said the company was active in providing "services to the US government and in creating open source intelligence centers for US allies in the Middle East". 'Like James Bond' What makes SRS unique is that it includes a new layer to the military contracting world: American private equity firms. Private equity firms proliferated in the era of low interest rates after the 2008 financial crisis. They raise money from wealthy families or institutional investors such as pension funds and purchase private companies with the goal of increasing their value through a combination of debt financing, mergers or cost-cutting. The end goal is to flip the companies at a profit. Private equity firms have invested in everything from HVAC companies to restaurant chains and tech startups. A growing but niche trend is investing in defence companies. That is what McNally Capital, a Chicago-based private equity firm, has been doing for years. Ex-CIA officer running Gaza aid security advised Boston Consulting Group Read More » The firm was founded in 2008 by Ward McNally, the bespectacled and balding descendant of a family of Irish immigrants who made their money picking out far-flung spots on the map, literally. The McNally publishing company began printing railroad guides in the booming late 19th-century American West. By the mid-20th century, it was printing road maps and high school geography books. Over the last 15 years, McNally has parlayed his family's publishing inheritance into a private equity fortune. McNally has acquired stale but sturdy and solidly American companies, such as Jewett Automation, the Richmond, Virginia-based maker of automation systems. But it's the defence and security companies that entice McNally. "Ward inherited a lot of money and likes to do interesting things with it. He just likes this kind of dark arts, intelligence, James Bond stuff. It excites him," a colleague of McNally told MEE. MEE reached out to Ward McNally and McNally Capital for comment but did not receive a response by the time of publication. 'Replicate' Iraq Since 2021, McNally Capital and Nio Advisors, an Illinois-based investment firm, have acquired at least three government contractors, each of which is focused on national security. In late 2024, McNally invested in Quiet Professionals, a firm specialising in cloud-based, open-source intelligence collection and cybersecurity. It is a lucrative business. The firm recently secured a $64.7m contract with the US Marine Corps. In 2021, McNally acquired Orbis, a firm providing intelligence and national security advisory services. It also taps a burgeoning market in AI analysis, but Orbis also offers advisory and consulting services. It has a history of work in the Middle East. Mike Morrell, a former deputy director of the CIA, is chairman of the board of directors. McNally, according to multiple sources who spoke with MEE, thought that Orbis would be the perfect company to send American mercenaries to the Gaza Strip. It was here that McNally met Reilly, a senior vice president at Orbis. Israel had curtailed the delivery of food, water and medical supplies to the Gaza Strip since it launched its offensive on the enclave after the Hamas-led attack on 7 October 2023. Palestinian man dies of malnutrition due to Israeli siege on Gaza Read More » The New York Times previously revealed that as early as 2023, Israeli officials and business people close to the government had been trying to come up with a plan to tightly control aid distribution in the enclave. One hope was to sideline the United Nations Agency for Palestinian Refugees. "The Israelis especially wanted to replicate what the US did in Iraq post-2003. They thought it was a success because the US did de-Baathification and took control of everything," a source familiar with the early deliberations told MEE. "If you are a former Mossad guy, the old CIA station chief of Baghdad is not hard to find," the former CIA official told MEE. Reilly started working on a study to outsource aid delivery to private companies and foundations while at Orbis in late 2024. McNally got wind of the plan and was all on board. "He said there were gobs of money to be made," the associate of McNally told MEE. But Orbis wanted nothing to do with the project, multiple sources told MEE. In the end, McNally and Reilly created a different company on their own to funnel American mercenaries to the Gaza Strip to guard aid centres. Last month, Reuters cited a McNally spokesperson saying the company helped "support the establishment" of SRS. The State Department has approved $30m in funding for GHF, which reportedly projects that it will have a $150m monthly budget once it is up and running, totalling $1.8bn a year. Meanwhile, Israel's war on Gaza continues. The number of Palestinians killed by Israeli attacks, mainly women and children, has soared above 56,000. Last month, in one day alone, at least 66 Palestinians were killed by Israeli fire near US-backed aid distribution points.


Campaign ME
a day ago
- Campaign ME
Luxury doesn't shout
Not long ago, I stood on the edge of Palm Jumeirah, Dubai's renowned man-made island, watching our team activate the last of six towering digital unipoles. I remember the feeling – this wasn't just another advertising platform. It was a moment that captured what luxury advertising should feel like. No clutter. No noise. Just unmatched prestige, in one of the most iconic destinations in the world. We call them 'The Royals'. And there's a reason for that. Advertising, especially in luxury, has always been a game of context. The right brand in the wrong place loses more than attention; it loses meaning. What we built at Palm Jumeirah is a response to that. A curated environment – zero clutter, and full impact. Not one other media asset stands within a square kilometre of these six digital landmarks. Each screen rises 15 metres high, stretching 8 metres across, positioned with surgical accuracy at the entrance and exit to Palm Jumeirah – the driveway of the elite. The location attracts more than 30,000 high-income residents – some arrive in Rolls-Royces, others via yachts – Michelin-star diners, A-list celebrities, and global executives who don't just consume luxury, but define it. These are not passing glances; they are purposeful audiences. And that's where the real value lies. Luxury brands understood this from day one. Chanel was first, followed by Bvlgari, Hermes, Tiffany & Co., BMW and Rolex. These aren't just advertisers; they're curators of culture. They chose 'The Royals' media network not because they needed another screen. They chose it because they needed a stage. Luxury doesn't play games. It doesn't shout. It doesn't hustle. It whispers in the right places, knowing the right people are already listening. We've seen more than 177 million monthly impressions. More than 428,000 unique high-value individuals have been reached. But that's not the whole story. What matters more is the quality of those impressions. The intention. The exclusivity. These aren't drive-by views. They're premium engagements – measured, verified, optimised. Thanks to our sister company DXTA Technology operating under the umbrella of W Group Holding, each campaign runs on audience measurement and data analytics. We use predictive mobility models, not guesswork. We map real exposure, not just footfall. And the result: Less waste, more impact. But data is only part of the picture. 'The Royals' network wasn't easy. We built it in one month. That's unheard of. We overcame engineering headaches, logistical puzzles and regulatory labyrinths. We laid power lines under an island bridge. We negotiated with monorail operators and worked through sandstorms – at 2 am, under floodlights, with surgical focus. We didn't cut corners. We cut through barriers. Why? Because luxury deserves better than 'good enough'. As the industry keeps chasing bigger, faster and louder, I believe the future of luxury advertising will swing back to something quieter. Sharper. More intentional. 'The Royals' are a glimpse of that future. In a city obsessed with luxury, we asked ourselves: How do you elevate a brand in a way that feels as rare and powerful as the brand itself? We found our answer in simplicity … and placement. From the start, we made every decision with intention. From the elegant minimalism of the structure to the anti-glare lighting designed not to intrude but to compliment the Palm's unique architecture. From sustainable construction materials to premium, energy-efficient LED screens that display only the most refined campaigns. Luxury brands are selective for a reason. Their customers don't respond to volume. They respond to value, to context, to craft. A Chanel bag isn't about stitching and leather. It's about identity. The same goes for luxury advertising. And that's what 'The Royals' give them: not just space, but significance. What's interesting is how many people tell me that they remember exactly which brand they saw the last time they drove past 'The Royals'. That's rare. We're so used to ignoring ads. But when the environment is curated, when there's no clutter, people pay attention. They don't just see the brand; they experience it. That's the future of luxury media, if you ask me. It's not about bigger budgets or louder screens. It's about less, fewer distractions, sharper impact. It's about creating room for prestige to breathe. Brands don't need more space. They need better space. Focused space. Premium space. And above all, meaningful space. And that's what 'The Royals' offer. By Philip Matta, CEO, Hypermedia