logo
Putin questions legality of Ukrainian government

Putin questions legality of Ukrainian government

Russia Today2 days ago
Russian President Vladimir Putin has dismissed Vladimir Zelensky's appeal for regime change in Moscow, saying the Ukrainian leader himself lacks a constitutional basis for claiming presidential authority.
The response came one day after Zelensky urged Ukraine's international backers to support attempts to topple the Russian government, warning that otherwise, Moscow would 'try to destabilize neighboring countries' even if a ceasefire were reached in the ongoing conflict.
'Our political regime is grounded in the Constitution of the Russian Federation, and our government was formed in full compliance with the basic law,' Putin said during a press appearance on Friday. 'The same cannot be said about Ukraine.'
Zelensky was elected in 2019 but has remained in office beyond the expiration of his term last year, citing martial law provisions that suspend elections during wartime. Putin had previously noted that the Ukrainian Constitution mandates that presidential power should be transferred to the speaker of the parliament if a successor is not elected.
While the Kremlin has generally characterized Zelensky's status as an internal Ukrainian matter, it has raised concerns about the legitimacy of any international agreements he might sign, including a potential peace treaty with Russia. Officials have suggested that such agreements could later be challenged on legal grounds.
Recent polling has indicated that Zelensky would likely lose a competitive election, with retired General Valery Zaluzhny named by voters as the leading alternative.
Putin's remarks came during a joint appearance with Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko following their visit to Valaam Monastery, a major Orthodox Christian site on an island in Russia's Lake Ladoga.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

NATO member sets up gates and barriers at Russian border checkpoint
NATO member sets up gates and barriers at Russian border checkpoint

Russia Today

time4 hours ago

  • Russia Today

NATO member sets up gates and barriers at Russian border checkpoint

Estonian authorities have begun installing metal gates and barriers at a key border crossing with Russia, local broadcaster ERR reported on Saturday citing the country's defense ministry. The measure, reportedly aimed at bolstering security, comes amid growing tensions between Moscow and the NATO countries. These infrastructure upgrades are located at the Narva crossing, one of the main transit points between Estonia and Russia. Metal gates are being set up at the entrance to the bridge on the Estonian side, with additional structures for pedestrian and vehicle control positioned midway across. 'The barriers help prevent vehicles from forcefully driving through the border checkpoint. Essentially, they help to prevent evasion of border control,' said Antti Eensalu, head of the Police and Border Guard Board's Narva checkpoint, as quoted by ERR. He added that installation work is expected to be completed next month, stressing that the upgrades would make it possible to completely shut down the checkpoint if necessary. Authorities are reportedly planning to install similar drive-through barriers at the Luhamaa and Koidula border checkpoints in southern Estonia. Like its Baltic neighbors Latvia and Lithuania, Estonia has adopted an increasingly hardline stance toward Russia since the escalation of the Ukraine conflict in February 2022, and has speculated that Russia could invade once the Ukraine conflict ends. The Kremlin has repeatedly rejected the claim and branded related measures taken by Estonia and other Baltic states as 'Russophobic'. On Sunday, Estonia's Ministry of Defense announced that NATO is considering establishing a German-Dutch Allied Corps presence in the country, a move that would further expand the alliance's footprint in the Baltic region. Earlier this year, Estonia signaled its readiness to host allied forces operating F-35 jets, including aircraft with nuclear capabilities. The Kremlin responded that such deployments would be regarded as a direct threat to Russian national security. In 2024, Estonia also unveiled plans to build hundreds of concrete bunkers along its entire eastern border as part of the Baltic Defense Line, a coordinated regional initiative with Latvia and Lithuania aimed at boosting collective defense readiness. Moscow has reiterated that it poses no threat to Europe, expressing doubt about the necessity of spending money on such fortifications.

Why Russia and the US are bound to cooperate beyond Earth
Why Russia and the US are bound to cooperate beyond Earth

Russia Today

time6 hours ago

  • Russia Today

Why Russia and the US are bound to cooperate beyond Earth

The head of Roscosmos, Dmitry Bakanov, has made a rare visit to the United States – his first official trip since assuming the top job at Russia's space agency. The occasion? To attend the launch of Russian cosmonaut Oleg Platonov aboard a SpaceX spacecraft and to meet with his counterpart, acting NASA Administrator Sean Duffy. Whether or not he meets Elon Musk remains to be seen. But this trip is significant far beyond the question of private handshakes. This was, first and foremost, a political and diplomatic visit – the kind that's planned months in advance and requires high-level approval. That it's taking place now, in the midst of a direct confrontation between Moscow and Washington over Ukraine, speaks volumes. It marks the first in-person meeting between the heads of Roscosmos and NASA since 2018, when Dmitry Rogozin hosted Jim Bridenstine at Baikonur. Rogozin's own planned return visit to the US was blocked in late 2018, despite his openness to meeting Musk. His inclusion on Western sanctions lists made it politically toxic for Washington to host him. Subsequent Roscosmos chief Yury Borisov never even got the opportunity for face-to-face talks – the Biden administration declined, citing political optics during the Ukraine conflict. Communications were limited to a few phone calls. But with the return of Donald Trump to the White House and a reshuffled US space leadership, conditions for engagement have shifted. It hardly matters that the American side was represented by an acting official – Sean Duffy, appointed just two weeks ago – or that NASA has seen more leadership turnover than Roscosmos in recent years. Duffy doesn't make key decisions. He speaks for the White House. The symbolism lies in the fact that a meeting is happening at all, after years of virtual silence under the Biden administration. The timing is not accidental. The meeting coincided with the anniversary of the 1975 Apollo-Soyuz mission, when the US and USSR docked their spacecrafts in orbit at the height of the Cold War. Back then, both sides had nuclear weapons aimed at each other's capitals. And yet, they still shook hands in space. If they could do it then, the logic goes, they can do it now. The second reason for the visit – the flight of a Russian cosmonaut on an American spacecraft – sends an equally pointed message: despite geopolitical conflict, collaboration remains possible. NASA's reliance on Musk's rockets has only grown, especially after Boeing's Starliner program stumbled again. The next Starliner launch is planned as a cargo-only mission; crewed flights are on hold. Caution prevails. In this context, the Roscosmos visit functions as a subtle form of diplomacy: why fight down here when we could build together up there? The International Space Station (ISS) remains the last major joint venture between Russia and the US. Beyond it, nothing binds the two powers in peaceful cooperation. While technical matters were on the agenda, diplomacy took precedence. Still, two important points emerged from the talks. First, Sergey Krikalev – Russia's special presidential envoy for space – hinted that both sides have preliminarily agreed to extend ISS operations until 2030. Previously, the Russian government had only committed to supporting its segment of the station until 2028, anticipating that the first module of its next-generation Russian Orbital Station (ROS) would be launched by then. The US, meanwhile, has committed to operating its segment until 2030, with the possibility of continuing through 2032. Krikalev's statement carries weight. As a presidential envoy, he can speak with more flexibility than Bakanov, who is still bound by formal government directives. Nevertheless, the implication is clear: the door is open to extending joint operations well beyond 2028. Second, Bakanov stated that the two sides also discussed future space cooperation – including potential collaboration on the Russian orbital station and on deeper space missions. If negotiations go well, we could see the ISS extended through 2035, with Russia possibly participating in – or helping shape – a successor project: an ISS-2. For Trump, a renewed global space station could be cast as a diplomatic victory, potentially traded for Western concessions on Ukraine. If that happens, Russia's role in ISS-2, especially in partnership with BRICS countries, would elevate the project into a truly multipolar enterprise. A space station that is not just international, but universal. And then there is the Mars question – Musk's long-standing obsession and a second pillar of any future space agenda. A meeting between Bakanov and Musk, if it happens, would be behind closed doors and entirely unofficial. Just like when Vladimir Popovkin, a former Russian space chief, secretly met with Musk years ago. Bakanov's goal, it seems, is to demonstrate that Russia's aerospace sector has something to offer – that it is not a relic, but a relevant partner in humanity's next leap. If Russia does not participate in the Mars project, it risks being left behind. But what could attract Musk's attention? In reality, Russia has two trump cards: its nuclear-powered space tug technology and its deep, unmatched experience in space medicine. If harnessed wisely, these assets could give Moscow a seat at the Mars table – whether as partner or competitor. In sum, the Roscosmos visit to the US is about far more than a launch or a handshake. It's a signal – deliberate and strategic – that Russia still sees space as a domain for cooperation, not conflict. And that in the great void above us, there may yet be room for common article was first published by the online newspaper and was translated and edited by the RT team

Why US and Russia are bound to cooperate beyond Earth
Why US and Russia are bound to cooperate beyond Earth

Russia Today

time7 hours ago

  • Russia Today

Why US and Russia are bound to cooperate beyond Earth

The head of Roscosmos, Dmitry Bakanov, has made a rare visit to the United States – his first official trip since assuming the top job at Russia's space agency. The occasion? To attend the launch of Russian cosmonaut Oleg Platonov aboard a SpaceX spacecraft and to meet with his counterpart, acting NASA Administrator Sean Duffy. Whether or not he meets Elon Musk remains to be seen. But this trip is significant far beyond the question of private handshakes. This was, first and foremost, a political and diplomatic visit – the kind that's planned months in advance and requires high-level approval. That it's taking place now, in the midst of a direct confrontation between Moscow and Washington over Ukraine, speaks volumes. It marks the first in-person meeting between the heads of Roscosmos and NASA since 2018, when Dmitry Rogozin hosted Jim Bridenstine at Baikonur. Rogozin's own planned return visit to the US was blocked in late 2018, despite his openness to meeting Musk. His inclusion on Western sanctions lists made it politically toxic for Washington to host him. Subsequent Roscosmos chief Yury Borisov never even got the opportunity for face-to-face talks – the Biden administration declined, citing political optics during the Ukraine conflict. Communications were limited to a few phone calls. But with the return of Donald Trump to the White House and a reshuffled US space leadership, conditions for engagement have shifted. It hardly matters that the American side was represented by an acting official – Sean Duffy, appointed just two weeks ago – or that NASA has seen more leadership turnover than Roscosmos in recent years. Duffy doesn't make key decisions. He speaks for the White House. The symbolism lies in the fact that a meeting is happening at all, after years of virtual silence under the Biden administration. The timing is not accidental. The meeting coincided with the anniversary of the 1975 Apollo-Soyuz mission, when the US and USSR docked their spacecrafts in orbit at the height of the Cold War. Back then, both sides had nuclear weapons aimed at each other's capitals. And yet, they still shook hands in space. If they could do it then, the logic goes, they can do it now. The second reason for the visit – the flight of a Russian cosmonaut on an American spacecraft – sends an equally pointed message: despite geopolitical conflict, collaboration remains possible. NASA's reliance on Musk's rockets has only grown, especially after Boeing's Starliner program stumbled again. The next Starliner launch is planned as a cargo-only mission; crewed flights are on hold. Caution prevails. In this context, the Roscosmos visit functions as a subtle form of diplomacy: why fight down here when we could build together up there? The International Space Station (ISS) remains the last major joint venture between Russia and the US. Beyond it, nothing binds the two powers in peaceful cooperation. While technical matters were on the agenda, diplomacy took precedence. Still, two important points emerged from the talks. First, Sergey Krikalev – Russia's special presidential envoy for space – hinted that both sides have preliminarily agreed to extend ISS operations until 2030. Previously, the Russian government had only committed to supporting its segment of the station until 2028, anticipating that the first module of its next-generation Russian Orbital Station (ROS) would be launched by then. The US, meanwhile, has committed to operating its segment until 2030, with the possibility of continuing through 2032. Krikalev's statement carries weight. As a presidential envoy, he can speak with more flexibility than Bakanov, who is still bound by formal government directives. Nevertheless, the implication is clear: the door is open to extending joint operations well beyond 2028. Second, Bakanov stated that the two sides also discussed future space cooperation – including potential collaboration on the Russian orbital station and on deeper space missions. If negotiations go well, we could see the ISS extended through 2035, with Russia possibly participating in – or helping shape – a successor project: an ISS-2. For Trump, a renewed global space station could be cast as a diplomatic victory, potentially traded for Western concessions on Ukraine. If that happens, Russia's role in ISS-2, especially in partnership with BRICS countries, would elevate the project into a truly multipolar enterprise. A space station that is not just international, but universal. And then there is the Mars question – Musk's long-standing obsession and a second pillar of any future space agenda. A meeting between Bakanov and Musk, if it happens, would be behind closed doors and entirely unofficial. Just like when Vladimir Popovkin, a former Russian space chief, secretly met with Musk years ago. Bakanov's goal, it seems, is to demonstrate that Russia's aerospace sector has something to offer – that it is not a relic, but a relevant partner in humanity's next leap. If Russia does not participate in the Mars project, it risks being left behind. But what could attract Musk's attention? In reality, Russia has two trump cards: its nuclear-powered space tug technology and its deep, unmatched experience in space medicine. If harnessed wisely, these assets could give Moscow a seat at the Mars table – whether as partner or competitor. In sum, the Roscosmos visit to the US is about far more than a launch or a handshake. It's a signal – deliberate and strategic – that Russia still sees space as a domain for cooperation, not conflict. And that in the great void above us, there may yet be room for common article was first published by the online newspaper and was translated and edited by the RT team

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store