Labour's Brexit reset is 'horror show for Scottish fishermen'
Britain's initial Brexit deal would have allowed the UK to completely deny access to EU fishing boats from 2026 – but this has now been ditched.
Elspeth Macdonald, chief executive of the Scottish Fishermen's Federation, said: 'This deal is a horror show for Scottish fishermen, far worse than Boris Johnson's botched Brexit agreement.
'It is clear that Sir Keir Starmer made the whole deal on the backs of our fishermen and coastal communities, granting EU vessels 12 years of continuous access to UK waters at the last minute in order secure other objectives.'
Elsewhere in the deal, unveiled on Monday morning, were commitments to allow Britons to use e-passport gates at the EU border, which ministers hope will remove one of the most visible effects of Brexit.
READ MORE: SNP ministers hit out as Scotland 'given no information' on Labour's UK-EU deal
Macdonald added: 'Any attempt by either the UK or EU to portray the new deal as a continuation of existing arrangements would be a lie, because in fact the Trade and Co-operation Agreement paved the way for annual access negotiations from 2026.
'At the weekend, Sir Keir said the deal would be measured against how much it would improve job prospects and allow our communities to flourish.
'Giving away a national asset such as our rich and healthy fishing grounds for no discernible benefit not only fails both of these tests, but is a disgrace that will ensure the enmity of this proud industry for many years to come.'
The Scottish Tories have echoed the criticisms made by the fishing industry, with MSP Tim Eagle (above) saying: 'This agreement is an absolute disaster for the Scottish fishing industry.'
Meanwhile, the SNP said that the deal fell far short of re-joining the EU and External Affairs Secretary Angus Robertson hit out at UK ministers' failure to consult the Scottish Government on fishing policy.
Stephen Gethins, the party's Europe spokesperson, said: 'Returning to the EU and returning to the single market and customs union should have been at the very top of the agenda at this EU-UK summit. After almost a decade of damage and decline in broken Brexit Britain – there are no ifs, buts or maybe about this – there will never be a better deal than being back in the EU.'
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The National
an hour ago
- The National
Time will tell whether new Scottish left-wing party has the legs
In fact, having spoken to both Phil and other enthusiasts, SLA seems at a pretty embryonic stage right now. However, they are having a crunch meeting tomorrow with members of Collective, the London-based English grouping which shares much of the same left-wing agenda. One of the people coming north for the summit is Karie Murphy, who was head honcho at Jeremy Corbyn's office before being seconded to run Labour's 2019 election campaign. Labour subsequently had their worst result since 1935. Karie, a former nurse, now self-describes as a 'political strategist'. Although they are apparently not formally part of the Corbyn/Zarah Sultana combo which launched a new party somewhat messily the other week, Collective's website does not hide its admiration for the former Labour leader. READ MORE: John Swinney brands Gaza as 'genocide' for first time as Fringe show disrupted They assert that Collective 'has captured a renewal of socialist ideas and political energy that was generated under [[Jeremy Corbyn]]'s leadership of the Labour Party. It is driven by the spirit of 'Corbynism' that can now be seen in the UK-wide mobilisation, at all levels, in opposition to Labour's rightward and authoritarian turn.' Rightward and authoritarian it may be, but there's little evidence of enthusiasm for Scottish independence, which Phil Taylor describes as one of the core principles of the new movement in Scotland. Corbyn once described indy as 'not a priority', while Keir Starmer now says it can't happen at all while he's PM. Otherwise, the list of causes the Scottish Left Alternative embraces echoes to a large extent the mantra adopted by Collective in terms of support for workers, for Gaza, an assault on the climate emergency and corporate greed. Which means more than an element of crossover with the Greens. In Taylor's view, new leadership in the Greens in both England and Scotland means that the party will be readier to accept new kids on the political block. We shall see. Thus far, all is not sweetness and light amid the Greenery. He also says that in conversations within Scotland, he's found that many people are prepared 'to leave their political baggage at the door'. The other question mark is whether or not they can make a dent in SNP support or woo back those who defected/returned to Labour the last time round. The [[SNP]] too are in the midst of internal warfare, with their leader proposing one strategy and impatient footsoldiers an entirely different one. Half of his party thinks independence needs a much stronger focus, while the other half believes getting public services right will matter more to the Holyrood electorate. At the moment, Mr Swinney seems inclined to ride both horses at once which is fine, so long as you don't fall off. The other possible bone of contention between north and south is the SLA's declaration that it will support both women's rights and those of the LGBT+ community. Of late, that issue has also made a jagged split in tartan ranks. There is no doubting Taylor's sincerity, but perhaps a question mark over his naivety. It's one thing to suggest that there are many folks on the London left who just don't understand Scotland; quite another to hope they will jettison their long-standing beliefs in the value of Unionism on the say-so of a newly registered Scottish counterpart. There will be a second meeting of SLA adherents in early October which is coming perilously close to next May's Scottish elections. And, not at all incidentally, it will take place a week before the [[SNP]] gather for their 91st conference in Aberdeen. Taylor concedes that Collective is rather more motivated by the 2029 election than next year's Holyrood variety but sees no reason why that needs to matter. In his opinion, inclusivity and transparency will be the hallmarks of the new movement in Scotland. and Collective will be relaxed about any divergence in the electoral cycle or the attendant strategies required. Yet setting out a stall for an election some four years distant is a totally different proposition from one which has to get a serious act together in a matter of months. Plus, there is no guarantee that tomorrow's summit between Collective and Scottish Left Alternative will be an entirely harmonious affair, given the known areas of likely controversy. I reminded Phil that new parties have an unfortunate habit of rising without trace, but his optimism for the notion of a Scottish Left Alternative is unshakeable. There is no doubt that many erstwhile Labour voters are downright scunnered with the party just a year into its current five-year stint; the question is whether they will scamper off into this 'electoral vehicle' or whether they will merely switch allegiance to the Scottish Greens or the [[SNP]]. Much will ride on what conclusions the [[SNP]] conference reaches (or perhaps is allowed to reach). And whether or not Scottish Labour remember the Scottish bit. Mr Swinney's latest suggestion of a constitutional convention would have had rather more merit in late 2014 when the indy troops were licking their wounds and desperate for some kind of balm. Since then, there have been many trigger points to advance independence which were ignored from a great height – Mr Swinney will remember them well as he was embedded in the leadership team at the time. One straw in the nationalist wind is the notion of reprising 'both votes SNP'. As I never tire of explaining, this is a surefire route to handing seats to Unionist parties as the imperfect hybrid proportional system we use was devised to give list options to parties who failed to have their vote share properly reflected in parliamentary numbers. It has meant, inter alia, that some of those most hostile to independence for Scotland and, for that matter, even to devolution, are able to rest their posteriors on Holyrood seats. Though 2011 might have been a triumph, it was also an aberration. All parties – especially one in power for a long time – are liable to fall out with each other, a fate which may also await a fledgling one too. After all, if there's one thing the left excels at, it's contriving to split. After which, implosion generally follows. It's also difficult to see how a Corbynite cadre based in London can offer the hand of solidarity and friendship to a similar would-be mass movement in Scotland, but one wedded to self-determination even if they share an interest in most of the other named causes, like wealth taxes and 'welfare not warfare'. Mr Taylor insists that the Scottish end of the equation is bottom-up and organic and most certainly not a mere branch office of the English operation: 'It will not be a franchise of a UK initiative.' That's an admirable ambition, and one which makes it rather more distinctively Scottish than Anas Sarwar's fiefdom. Yet you do wonder if the Scottish tail will be permitted to wag the English dog. Anyway, some of the mist will have cleared by close of play tomorrow. Then we will find out if we have a serious new player in the game, running up and down the left wing, or whether this is yet another false dawn for people of a lefty persuasion. Watch this space.
The National
an hour ago
- The National
Building memories brick by brick at the home of LEGO in Denmark
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The National
an hour ago
- The National
SNP under fire over public energy firm as Wales launches wind projects
The Labour-run administration in Cardiff set up Trydan Gwyrdd Cymru (which translates to Green Electricity Wales) in 2024, and in July announced plans for three wind farms on publicly owned Welsh woodlands – as well as more renewable energy projects yet to be finalised. Trydan said the initial three wind farms would be able to generate up to 400 MW of clean electricity – enough to power around one in four Welsh homes – with 'all profits generated reinvested in Welsh communities and public services'. In 2017, then-Scottish first minister Nicola Sturgeon pledged to establish a 'publicly owned, not-for-profit energy company', but the policy was dropped after the 2021 Holyrood elections. Robin McAlpine, from the Common Weal think tank, said that they had partnered with Plaid Cymru during their time in the Welsh government to lay the groundwork for Trydan Gwyrdd Cymru. 'The whole point of that conversation was to explain how to create a public energy company under a devolved settlement – and the fact that this is happening in Wales shows that it certainly could have happened in Scotland too,' he said. READ MORE: UK energy bills to rise as Ofgem approves £24bn investment 'Common Weal has made this point over and over again – the letter of the devolution settlement says the Scottish Government can't own a wind farm, but we've set out about six different workarounds. 'The fastest is to create an energy company which is co-ordinated and funded by the Scottish Government, but in which the actual wind farms are owned by local authorities. 'We have told the Scottish Government this again and again. It is a very active choice to maintain an almost wholly privatised energy system in Scotland.' Scottish Greens co-leader Patrick Harvie MSP also called for more to be done to ensure communities in Scotland see the benefits of energy generation projects. Scottish Green co-leader Patrick Harvie (Image: PA) 'Scotland has seen extraordinary growth in renewables, but this hasn't come with the growth of local, community and public ownership that some countries have achieved,' he told the Sunday National. 'We have an abundance of natural resources at our disposal that can generate clean, green, renewable energy, and we also have highly skilled people with years of experience working in the energy sector. The Greens want these resources to benefit everyone, not just giant private investors. 'It is great to see Wales taking steps in this direction. As Greens, we've long made the case for every local community to have its own energy company, as well as a role for the national level. 'The Scottish Government can do far more to ensure that the ownership models for renewable energy put money back into communities across Scotland, at the same time as cutting emissions. Local ownership, community ownership and public ownership should all be playing a much bigger role.' READ MORE: Scottish Government approves one of world's biggest wind farms amid controversy However, a Scottish Government spokesperson insisted that they did not have the powers required. 'A national public energy company that is involved in large-scale energy generation would only be possible in an independent Scotland where we had full powers over the energy market and full access to borrowing,' they said. 'We are committed to maximising the public benefits of our renewables revolution, and while many powers remain reserved, we will use the powers we do have and continue to grow community investment in energy-related projects and technology.' In January, Scottish Energy Secretary Gillian Martin told MSPs that setting up a publicly owned energy firm was "not something we are able to do at the moment with the current devolution settlement". Rebecca Evans is the Economy Secretary in the Welsh Labour Government (Image: Welsh Government) Announcing the Trydan Gwyrdd Cymru plans for 400MW of wind farm capacity, Welsh Labour's Economy Secretary Rebecca Evans said: 'These proposals demonstrate our commitment to harnessing Wales's abundant natural resources to generate clean energy while ensuring the benefits are felt locally. 'By developing these projects on the Welsh Government Woodland Estate, we're making best use of our public land to tackle the climate emergency and create sustainable economic opportunities." A press release said that the developments will 'create hundreds of jobs during construction and operation, with Trydan committed to involving Welsh companies throughout the process'.
