Meet Jason Knauf, who accused Meghan Markle of bullying staff: the ex-aide to the British monarchy is a Texas native who became CEO of The Royal Foundation – but why did his allegations meet backlash?
aide to the British monarchy Jason Knauf sat down with 60 Minutes Australia recently, sharing details about how Prince William reacted to the news of his wife Princess Catherine's cancer diagnosis within a few weeks of learning about his father's battle with the disease.
William and Catherine, the Prince and Princess of Wales, on the balcony of Buckingham Palace, during the Trooping the Colour in June 2024. /TNS
Soon after the news came to light, the Prince of Wales had a conversation with Knauf over the phone, which the latter described as 'absolutely awful', recalling, 'It's the lowest I've ever seen him,' per People. While the internet erupted with conspiracy theories, Knauf revealed that
Kate's diagnosis was kept private because the couple 'were still working through how to tell the children'.
Knauf also spoke about succession plans,
Meghan Markle and more … but just who is he?
Jason Knauf's background
An American, Jason Knauf is a Texas native who mostly grew up in Virginia. Photo: @catherine_of_wales/Instagram
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An American, Knauf was born in Texas, and raised in Virginia from the age of five, per Business Insider. He attended the University of Pittsburgh before moving to New Zealand, where he studied at the Victoria University of Wellington. He received a master's in politics and communication from the London School of Economics.
His years with the British royal family
Jason Knauf was named a Lieutenant of the Royal Victorian Order in 2023. Photo: @kingwilliam.and.queencatherine/Instagram
Knauf worked on the New Zealand political circuit for a while, then at the Royal Bank of Scotland and for His Majesty's Treasury. He joined the British royal family as a communications secretary in 2015, per Business Insider. He quit working for the Sussexes in 2018, and remained with William and Kate until 2019, per The Standard. He was then appointed CEO of The Royal Foundation of the Duke and Duchess until 2022, and the following year was named a Lieutenant of the Royal Victorian Order. In 2021, he revealed plans to move to India, per Newsweek.
Knauf is now a trustee of the Earthshot Prize, which he helped launch, and per his bio on the organisation's website, founded his own consultancy firm, Mission Overstory. He's also involved with Conservation International as a global leadership fellow.
Speaking out against Meghan Markle
Jason Knauf has spoken out against Meghan Markle on several occasions. Photo: @thewalesbrasil/Instagram
Per The Times, Knauf was the one who reported Markle to the palace's HR department for allegedly bullying staff in 2018. In 2021, he wrote a witness statement in her lawsuit against the Mail on Sunday's publisher, which claimed she was aware that her infamous letter to her father, Thomas Markle, could be leaked. Knauf also stated that the Sussexes' biography, Finding Freedom, had been written using information relayed by Meghan Markle – a revelation that embarrassed the royal, who was forced to apologise for misleading the court, per Newsweek.
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HKFP
2 days ago
- HKFP
In Pictures: Hong Kong celebrates 28th Handover anniversary
Hong Kong celebrated the 28th anniversary of the city's return from British colonial rule to China on Tuesday, with the food and beverage sector offering July 1 promotions and discounts to mark the Handover. About 4,100 restaurants and shops participated in offering customers discounts, according to the government. Restaurant chains like Tai Hing Group offered a 29 per cent discount on all dine-in meals, meaning customers only needed to pay 71 per cent of their bills. Four senior government officials, led by Deputy Chief Secretary Cheuk Wing-hing, had dim sum at a Chinese restaurant in Wan Chai on Tuesday morning and enjoyed the discount after attending the annual flag-raising ceremony and reception for the Handover, the government said in a press release. In a speech delivered during the reception, Chief Executive John Lee said national security would safeguard Hong Kong's development amid global uncertainty. 'High-level security will safeguard high-quality development,' Lee said in Cantonese. 'We will steadfastly safeguard national security and seize upon national opportunities under the One Country, Two Systems framework.' Lee also pledged to expedite the development of the Northern Metropolis – a megaproject that the government says will be home to a third of the city's population, but environmental groups have called for better protection of the surrounding wetlands. In Tsim Sha Tsui, dozens of people lined up to board fishing boats adorned with bright red Chinese national and Hong Kong flags, which paraded around Victoria Harbour in celebration of the Handover. Led by the Hong Kong Fishermen Consortium, the group waved China's and Hong Kong's flags outside the Hong Kong Cultural Centre. In Tai Kok Tsui's Olympian City shopping mall, panda-shaped balloons were given to children as part of the Handover celebratory promotions. 'Hong Kong has changed a lot' Across the harbour, in Causeway Bay's Victoria Park, some braved the rain at an event marking the Handover anniversary. Prior to the national security law, the park was the starting point of pro-democracy marches on the Handover anniversary, during which civil society groups walked from Causeway Bay to Central to call for democracy. On Tuesday, parts of the park were booked out by the Hong Kong Celebrations Association, which set up installations – including giant egg tarts and mini panda sculptures – for people to take pictures with. A small exhibition displayed photos of key landmarks in Hong Kong and the years they were built. Among those highlighted were Golden Bauhinia Square in 1997, the Avenue of Stars in 2004, West Kowloon Station, which connects Hong Kong to the mainland, in 2018, and Kai Tak Stadium this year. A woman in her 50s, who asked to remain anonymous, told HKFP she had come to the park to celebrate the Handover anniversary. She was holding a Hong Kong flag and a China flag, which she said were being given out for free at Lee Tung Avenue, a shopping and dining area in Wan Chai. 'As a Hongkonger, I'm here to support local Hong Kong events,' she said in Cantonese. She told HKFP that Lee, the city's chief executive, has been doing a good job as Hong Kong's leader. His policies have made the streets cleaner and Hong Kong more attractive to tourists, she said. Asked how she felt about the political developments in recent years, the woman said she did not pay much attention to politics. L, who was at Victoria Park with his girlfriend, told HKFP he wanted to 'check out what's going on' and take some photos. He asked to be identified only by an initial. He said that prior to 2020, he used to spend Handover anniversaries at protest marches. One of the first marches he took part in was in 2003, when his parents brought him out to protest against the government's plans to enact a local security law known as Article 23. That year, plans for legislation were suspended due to opposition. The law was passed last year in the city's opposition-free legislature. 'Hong Kong has changed a lot since 2019,' L, who is in his mid-20s, said in Cantonese. 'The changes seem inevitable nowadays.' Another man – who only gave his surname, Lam – was at the park with eight family members, including his grandson. Lam said he believed Hong Kong was less chaotic now, but that the stability had come at a cost. He said he had seen the news that the League of Social Democrats (LSD) – one of the city's last pro-democracy groups – announced their disbandment on Sunday. 'It's a pity that there are fewer opposition voices now,' he said. 'It was good to have those voices around because they bring about change. Otherwise, change will take a long time to happen,' Lam told HKFP in Cantonese.
AllAfrica
2 days ago
- AllAfrica
In Trump's game, the US and China win and Europe pays the bill
In the opening moves of Trump's second presidency, a pattern has emerged: Washington sets the agenda, Beijing adapts with precision, and Brussels capitulates. What emerges is a bipolar order where Europe has relegated itself to the role of financier and cheerleader. Trump plays poker, Xi plays go and Europe struggles with simple puzzles. Within five months, Trump secured defense spending commitments previous presidents only theorized about. While China's rare earth export restrictions forced Washington into rapid recalibration, Europe responded with nothing but hollow laments. The asymmetry reveals everything: One bloc wields leverage, another answers with resolve, and the third writes checks. Trump's return exposed the EU's strategic failures. Instead of setting boundaries or leveraging collective power, leaders defaulted to flattery toward Washington and scapegoating toward Beijing. The 'antidiplomacy' weakens the EU on China while offering America servitude without guaranteed returns. Where Mexico and Canada bargained, Europe genuflected without conditions. Where China retaliated decisively, Europe escalated rhetoric and surrendered substance. The latest example: Four days after Washington conceded to Beijing in a rare earths deal, von der Leyen launched a new offensive against China on the same issue – as if the agreement had never happened. Timing shouldn't ruin a well-staged display of servility: Her G7 speech preached toughness while ignoring Europe's real vulnerabilities. Accusing China of 'weaponizing' its dominance while relying on it for 99% of rare earths is like demanding fair play in a knife fight – a measure of how well her de-risking policy proceeds. Apparently, she has yet to grasp what great powers do: They use leverage. Then came the admission: 'Donald is right,' showing how Brussels handed over control long ago. The subsequent defense spending capitulation proved equally abject. Leaders like Merz, Macron, and Sánchez agreed – without any public debate – to raise military spending to 5% of GDP. No questions, no rationale. Trump didn't need to demand it; they volunteered their own surrender. While European analysts obsess over his populism and threats to democracy, they miss what matters – he's getting exactly what he wants. This commitment – announced after NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte also humiliated himself – is a gift to the U.S. arms industry. Trump identified his cashier and Europe submitted a blank check to Lockheed Martin, RTX and Northrop Grumman. Europe funds America's military revival while sacrificing its own autonomy, clinging to the illusion this purchases lasting American protection. Europe's China policy reveals the terminal stage of dependence: performative hostility without leverage, coordination or endgame. Every measure – from 5G restrictions to EV tariffs – originated in Washington's playbook, photocopied by Brussels and rebranded as European autonomy. The irony approaches parody. While Europe imposed sanctions on Chinese technology, Washington extracted concessions through direct pressure. While Brussels moralized about economic coercion, Trump applied tariffs exceeding 50% on European exports. The contradiction exposes Europe's confusion: it has adopted America's adversarial rhetoric toward China while accepting America's adversarial treatment of Europe. The evidence is devastating: Trump slaps 50% tariffs on the EU without justification, blocks key exports, pressures Europe to cut trade with China, insults them at Munich, demands 5% of GDP for American weapons and drains European industry through targeted subsidies. Meanwhile, Brussels accuses Beijing of unfair tactics while Washington applies harsher ones – openly, unapologetically. Moreover, instead of opening diplomatic channels to defuse trade tensions or address critical supply dependencies, European leaders chose moral grandstanding and erratic restrictions. China was labeled 'partly malign,' a 'decisive enabler' of Russia's war in Ukraine, and policymakers crafted new 'security threat' frameworks. Just as Brussels escalated rhetoric, Trump's return exposed the truth: Europe's entire posture was built on borrowed American narratives. The EU leaders' pilgrimages to Washington – while avoiding Beijing – crystallize this blindness. They act as though European relevance ran through American approval alone, neglecting direct engagement with the world's second-largest economy. What could have been triangular diplomacy became linear supplication. Friedrich Merz's case is more scandalous. In his first foreign policy speech, he parroted talk of an 'axis of autocracies,' lumping China, Russia, Iran and North Korea into a undifferentiated threat – while Germany's auto industry wonders who speaks for them. He calls for 'permanent' European naval presence in the Indo-Pacific, a fantasy when Europe struggles to support Ukraine. He warned German businesses that investing in China is a 'great risk' and made clear his government won't bail them out. At Munich, his deference to Washington earned the response it deserved: JD Vance ignored him and met the AfD instead. Message received. Trump, unlike his European counterparts, applies a brutal but coherent approach to China. He values force, not sycophancy. And Xi never bent. When Washington escalated, Beijing responded with precise retaliation, not statements. One bureaucratic move tightened China's grip on rare earths and forced White House recalibration. That's how power works – something Europe refuses to learn. Trump's planned engagement with Beijing – booking flights for normalization talks with top CEOs and high-level diplomatic preparation – demolishes European assumptions about American China policy. Perhaps the plan was never confrontation for its own sake but leverage for a deal. Now it's clear: Trump intended to reframe US-China ties on his terms. The implications devastate Europe. It spent political capital aligning with what it assumed was permanent American-Chinese confrontation, only to discover Washington still views Beijing as a negotiating partner while treating Brussels as a compliant client. Von der Leyen's anti-China positioning, designed to curry favor with the White House, has guaranteed Europe's exclusion from the bilateral reset that will define global economic architecture. Europe could have defined clear priorities, protected economic interests and maintained equidistance between superpowers. It could have set red lines with Trump, defended its industrial base, and engaged China pragmatically. Instead, it chose deference, moralism and transatlantic vassalage – the worst possible mix in any negotiation. Europe's path leads to managed decline disguised as alliance loyalty. Defense budgets will drain social spending while importing American weapons that compete with European manufacturers. Trade will fluctuate between American demands and Chinese retaliation, with European industry losing market share to both. Diplomatic initiatives are subjected to prior Washington approval while Beijing builds alternative partnerships. The few leaders who resist – notably Italy's Giorgia Meloni – speak for themselves, not Europe. There is no common voice, no compass, no coherent narrative. What remains is a bloc that reacts, adapts and concedes, but never leads. In the meantime, the US and China play for long-term leverage. This leaves Europe with two choices: first, triangular diplomacy: Rather than picking between Washington and Beijing, Europe must make both capitals compete for European cooperation; second, Europe's industrial policy must prioritize technological autonomy over ideological alignment: Critical supply chains, defense production, and digital infrastructure require European control regardless of American preferences. If Europe continues subsidizing American defense industries while alienating Chinese markets, moralizing about values while depending on others, it will face the hard truth: True autonomy requires the ability to enforce its interests. For now, Europe's performance of independence guarantees irrelevance. Speeches earn your minions' applause; leverage delivers results. Hence, Europe would do well to recall the wisdom of one of its most influential thinkers: It is better to be feared than loved, if you cannot be both. Sebastian Contin Trillo-Figueroa is a Hong Kong-based geopolitics strategist with a focus on Europe-Asia relations.
RTHK
3 days ago
- RTHK
US and Canada to resume trade talks
US and Canada to resume trade talks US leader Donald Trump and Canadian PM Mark Carney met at a G7 meeting in June. File photo: Reuters The United States will resume trade negotiations with Canada immediately after Ottawa scrapped its digital services tax targeting American technology firms, White House economic adviser Kevin Hassett said on Monday. "Absolutely," Hassett said on Fox News Channel when asked about the talks restarting. US President Donald Trump had asked Canada to drop the tax at a G7 meeting in Canada earlier in June, Hassett said. "For sure, that means that we can get back to the negotiations," he added. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt told reporters that Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney called Trump on Sunday evening to tell him the tax was being dropped, calling it a big victory for US tech companies. "Very simple. Prime Minister Carney in Canada caved to President Trump and the United States of America," she said, crediting Trump's hard-line negotiating style for the shift. Canada halted its plans to begin collecting a new digital services tax targeting US technology firms just hours before this was due to start on Monday in a bid to advance stalled trade negotiations with the US. Canada's finance ministry said late on Sunday that Prime Minister Mark Carney and Trump would resume trade negotiations in order to agree on a deal by July 21. Stocks hit record highs on Wall Street on Monday morning as sentiment in the markets rose amid optimism about US trade negotiations with key partners, including Canada. (Reuters)
