
Zelensky wants personal meeting with Putin
When Putin offered Kiev in May to resume direct negotiations – without preconditions and from the point at which Ukraine had unilaterally abandoned talks in 2022 – Zelensky challenged him to come and meet in Istanbul personally. Ukraine eventually agreed to send its delegation amid reported pressure from Washington, and since then the sides have held two rounds of talks, resulting in prisoner exchanges but no breakthrough toward ending the conflict.
The talks stalled in June, after Kiev dismissed Moscow's peace proposals, and later declared the process 'exhausted,' and indicated it had only participated to avoid appearing dismissive of US President Trump's diplomatic initiative.
Speaking on Saturday, Zelensky stated that the 'pace of negotiations must be increased,' offering to hold a new round of talks next week – and once again demanded a personal meeting with Putin.
'A meeting at the level of leaders is needed to truly ensure a lasting peace,' he said, adding that 'Ukraine is ready.'
Zelensky's presidential term expired last year, but he has repeatedly cited the state of emergency he imposed as grounds for remaining in office beyond the constitutional deadline. Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova recently accused the Ukrainian actor-turned-politician of pushing for a personal meeting with Putin to reaffirm his political legitimacy, claiming he 'is insanely afraid of being forgotten, of becoming unnecessary for the West.'
Despite Zelensky's dubious legal status, Putin previously confirmed he was open to a potential meeting – but questioned his authority to sign any binding agreements.
'I am ready to meet with anyone, including Zelensky. That's not the issue,' the Russian president stated in June. 'The question is different: Who will sign the documents?'
According to Moscow, legal authority in Ukraine now resides with the parliament, not with Zelensky. On Tuesday, Ukrainian lawmakers once again extended martial law and general mobilization for another 90 days, with just a single dissenting vote.
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Throughout she lets individuals with different experiences and points of view speak, civilians and soldiers, and is careful to record official statements from both sides, Ukraine and Russia. It is obvious to any fair reader that no favors are extended to Russia. Heitmann, for instance, dwells on local criticism of Russian evacuation efforts and the adverse health effects suffered by some of the ethnically Chechen fighters who carried out the pipeline operation. She ends her story by reporting both a local man's hope for reconstruction and the skepticism of a woman who cannot see a future for herself in the region, whether reconstructed or not. The reactions by high-ranking Ukrainian officials and media outlets in Ukraine to Heitmann's article have been hostile. Georgy Tikhy, spokesman for the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry, tagged the New York Times in an X post accusing Heitmann of reproducing 'Russian propaganda' and engaging in 'Duranty-level manipulation.' Walter Duranty was an American journalist who is now infamous for spreading Stalinist deceptions. Heitmann has done nothing remotely comparable. Tikhy's wildly unfair comparison reveals his malicious intent, namely to smear Heitmann as badly as he can before the public in general and her employer in particular. Ironically though not surprisingly, it is not Heitmann but the Ukrainian government official who is conducting information war here, and in an especially dirty, personal way. That Heitmann is being targeted by a systematic campaign is obvious from the involvement, as if on cue, of additional attackers: The so-called Center for Countering Disinformation (CCD) under the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine has joined in, also charging Heitmann with manipulation. In particular, the CCD is angry about the fact that Heitmann didn't spend precious words on reiterating the Ukrainian and Western narrative about wicked Russia invading Ukraine. 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