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India's first private railway station, it gives airport like facilities, developed by…, located in THIS state, not in Mumbai, Kolkata, Delhi, Chennai, Bengaluru, Lucknow, name is…

India's first private railway station, it gives airport like facilities, developed by…, located in THIS state, not in Mumbai, Kolkata, Delhi, Chennai, Bengaluru, Lucknow, name is…

India.com2 days ago
New Delhi: In the last 11 years, the Indian Railways has undergone a remarkable transformation under the Narendra Modi government. The government has implemented a slew of initiatives to make the traveling experience of passengers comfortable and convenient. From platform upgrades to the 100 percent electrification of railway tracks, the sector has seen unprecedented progress over the past decade. Indian Railways has also redeveloped Habibganj Railway Station in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, setting new standards for modernization.
Many would not know that the Habibganj Railway Station holds the distinction of being India's first privately managed railway station. It is important to note that the station is being operated under a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) model. All You Need to Know About Habibganj Railway Station: Habibganj Railway Station was redeveloped by Bansal Group in collaboration with the Indian Railway Stations Development Corporation (IRSDC).
Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the airport-like redeveloped Habibganj railway station on November 15, 2021.
This was part of Indian Railways' ambitious plan to modernise key stations across the country through private investment. Kamalapati railway station in memory of Gond queen Rani Kamlapati.
The station code was also changed from HBJ to RKMP.
While the station is operated and maintained by the private player, ownership remains with Indian Railways.
This PPP model ensures better services without compromising national control. Habibganj Railway Station: Facilities The station offers an airport-like experience
It has a spacious concourse and waiting lounges, modern food courts and retail outlets
It also has Energy-efficient design with solar panels, high-tech surveillance and security systems.
Rani Kamlapati Station (formerly Habibganj Railway Station) has set a benchmark for future railway station redevelopment projects across India. Major stations like New Delhi, Ahmedabad, and Mumbai CST are also being considered for similar transformations.
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India, Maldives to boost bilateral cooperation in fisheries and aquaculture
India, Maldives to boost bilateral cooperation in fisheries and aquaculture

Hans India

time16 minutes ago

  • Hans India

India, Maldives to boost bilateral cooperation in fisheries and aquaculture

New Delhi: The memorandum of understanding (MoU) between India and the Maldives to enhance bilateral collaboration in the fields of fisheries and aquaculture aims to promote sustainable tuna and deep-sea fisheries, strengthen aquaculture and sustainable resource management, foster fisheries-based eco-tourism, and support innovation and scientific research across both the countries, the government said on Saturday. The Department of Fisheries and the Ministry of Fisheries and Ocean Resources of the Maldives have signed an MoU to enhance bilateral collaboration in the fields of fisheries and aquaculture. The MoU is part of six MOUs exchanged between India and Maldives during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's state visit to the island nation, according to Ministry of Fisheries, Animal Husbandry and Dairying. Key areas of collaboration outlined in the MoU include value chain development, mariculture advancement, trade facilitation, and capacity building within the fisheries sector. As part of this initiative, the Maldives will scale up its fish processing capabilities by investing in cold storage infrastructure and strengthening the aquaculture sector through hatchery development, improved production efficiency, and the diversification of cultured species. The collaboration also will facilitate training and knowledge exchange programs, with a focus on capacity building in aquatic animal health, biosecurity screening, aquaculture farm management, and specialised technical fields such as refrigeration, mechanical engineering, and marine engineering to support long-term skills development within the sector. According to the ministry, the cooperation reflects the shared vision of India and Maldives to build a more resilient, innovative, and sustainable future for the fisheries industry. Several agreements across diverse sectors were signed which reaffirmed the bilateral partnership between India and Maldives. These include agreement for a Line of Credit (LoC) of Rs 4,850 crore to the Maldives; amendatory agreement on reducing annual debt repayment obligations of the Maldives on Indian government-funded LoCs; to launch the India-Maldives Free Trade Agreement (FTA)-Terms of Reference; MoU on cooperation in the field of Fisheries and Aquaculture; MoU between the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology (IITM), Ministry of Earth Sciences and the Maldives Meteorological Services (MMS), Ministry of Tourism and Environment; and an MoU on cooperation in the field of sharing successful digital solutions implemented at population scale for digital transformation, among others.

How good relations with India are a geographic necessity for Maldives
How good relations with India are a geographic necessity for Maldives

First Post

timean hour ago

  • First Post

How good relations with India are a geographic necessity for Maldives

In the balmy blue expanse of the Indian Ocean, geography is destiny. Few countries exemplify this axiom better than the Maldives, a string of vulnerable islands perched just 400 kilometres south-west of India. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit saw its politics swinging from nationalistic bravado to regional pragmatism. India is a lifeline for the Maldives economically, strategically, and sometimes existentially. Equally, the geographical location of the Maldives is of great strategic interest for India. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The Muizzu administration came to power amid campaign bluster demanding 'India Out'—a slogan aimed squarely at the presence of a minor Indian military contingent and Indian involvement in national affairs. For a time, it appeared that Chinese investment and political overtures could fill whatever void India might leave behind. Beijing, keen to expand its Belt and Road footprint, signed infrastructure deals and seemed eager to deliver. But in office, Muizzu has been forced to triangulate. The islands' routines of dependency have imposed themselves on decision-making. The core of this dependency is ignored only by the wilfully blind. Take potable water, a resource analysts regretfully call 'strategic' in a thirsty archipelago. In 2014, when a fire disabled Malé's only desalination plant, India, within hours, launched 'Operation Neer', sending drinking water by plane and ship. Other essentials function in a similarly Indian orbit. A big proportion of staples for the Maldivian table—rice, flour, sugar, and vegetables—comes from India. Around 70 per cent of the medicines on Maldivian pharmacy shelves bear Indian labels, a fact underscored by India's prompt medical assistance during the pandemic's darkest days. Construction is largely an act of import substitution: cement and steel from the Indian state of Gujarat underpin the Maldives' celebrated resorts. Even the fuel that powers government facilities and tourism's infrastructure comes, more often than not, from Indian refiners. Indian generosity is not purely altruistic; it is part of a carefully calibrated strategy for regional stability. New Delhi's extension of a $565 million (over ₹5,000 crore) line of credit during Modi's visit was complemented by the gifting of 100 military vehicles and, most notably, a 40 per cent reduction in Maldivian debt repayments. These gestures appear aimed not only at Malé but also at small Indian Ocean states teetering under China's loans. India's message, thinly veiled, is that it remains an engaged neighbour without the 'debt trap' tendencies attributed to Beijing. Underpinning this economic largesse is the delicate but vital domain of security. The Muizzu government did, rhetorically and practically, demand the withdrawal of an Indian military presence—a few helicopters, pilots, and medical teams. But few in Malé believe that strategic cooperation is obsolete. For much of the last two decades, Indian military personnel have quietly supplied a reassuring counterweight to the region's instability—responding to terror threats, evacuating citizens, and delivering supplies during storms. If trust can be rebuilt, there is little doubt India could once more be invited to base a small, stabilising detachment on Malé. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The diplomatic thaw is also boosting the engine of Maldivian prosperity: tourism. Indian visitors have long been an economic mainstay, accounting for a record 23 per cent of arrivals at the height of post-pandemic travel in 2021 and still second only to Russia in 2023 at around 11 per cent. As relations warm, Indian tourists—buoyed by rupee-rufiyaa payment schemes and new digital connectivity—are again filling the resorts. Hoteliers expect their share to rise swiftly, restoring a crucial underpinning of the islands' revenues. For India, the challenge is to translate geographical inevitability into goodwill, not resentment. Easing the debt overhang for Malé, maintaining open lines of credit, and quickening disaster response all lend durable influence. Muizzu's government is betting, sensibly, on triangulation. Engagement with China will continue and should not unduly concern New Delhi so long as core security interests are respected. But the underlying message is clear: in the Indian Ocean, the TINA factor rules—There Is No Alternative to India, certainly not for the Maldives. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD For all the rhetoric of 'India Out' the Maldives' best bet remains partnership, and for India, steady generosity will be the surest path to lasting influence in the archipelago's sunlit waters. The writer is a senior journalist with expertise in defence. Views expressed are personal and do not necessarily reflect those of Firstpost.

Asked to Investigate UPA Govt's Use of 'Fake Notes' That Never Were: Ex-Finance Secretary Subhash Garg
Asked to Investigate UPA Govt's Use of 'Fake Notes' That Never Were: Ex-Finance Secretary Subhash Garg

The Wire

timean hour ago

  • The Wire

Asked to Investigate UPA Govt's Use of 'Fake Notes' That Never Were: Ex-Finance Secretary Subhash Garg

New Delhi: About a year ahead of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government then eying a second term, asked then union finance secretary, Subhash Chandra Garg, to investigate fake currency notes that had been allegedly used by the previous Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government to use for political funding. While Garg informed the Prime Minister's Office that he did not find anything suspicious after undertaking the exercise for a couple of months, the PMO was still not satisfied and appointed an expert committee headed by an external professional. In his new book No, Minister: Navigating Power, Politics and Bureaucracy with a Steely Resolve, Garg writes that while he communicated that 'under no circumstances' would he 'find it acceptable that an outside professional be allowed to go into the highly sensitive and confidential currency printing presses.' Despite his misgivings, an expert committee headed by former chairman to the PM's Economic Advisory Council Bibek Debroy was formed, close to the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Garg who took voluntary retirement in 2019 writes in his book that in April-May 2018 he received a confidential demi-official (DO)-from then principal secretary to the prime minister, Nripendra Misra, to audit 'all the paper purchased and used for printing currency notes over the last ten years.' 'There was no explicit purpose mentioned for undertaking this massive exercise. When I spoke to him to find out, he was not very forthcoming. It appeared that there was some suspicion in the mind of the PMO that the previous government had used the currency note printing presses to print notes over and above what were officially accounted for to use the same for political funding,' writes Garg in the book. Garg writes that since it was an order 'and indeed a sensitive matter' he undertook a detailed audit, which he described as a 'Herculean exercise' that took a couple of months. 'In consultation with government's note printing company, the Security Printing and Minting Corporation of India Ltd (SPMCIL), I designed a broad worksheet to capture all the currency printing paper purchased over the past 10 years in square metres, all the currency notes printed during this period, the paper consumption which these printed notes accounted for by taking their dimensions into consideration and all the resultant and accounted for wastages,' he writes. 'I gathered the international norms of wastages to benchmark wastages accounted for by note printing presses. It was a Herculean exercise and took a couple of months.' Garg said that at the end of the exercise which was undertaken by the SPMCIL officers, it was found that there was slightly higher wastage which was 'not alarming' than international norms and that he found nothing suspicious. 'There was slightly higher wastage (though nothing alarming) than the international norms, but it was quite close to the Indian experience and the long-term trend. I went through all these calculations and got the SPMCIL management to send the report along with all the details officially concluding that there was no unexplained wastage. I thereafter forwarded it to the PMO with my covering note that I did not find anything particularly suspicious in the printing of notes over that period of 10 years,' he writes. According to Garg, the PMO was not satisfied and he was sent another DO from Misra in which he was informed that an expert committee headed by an external professional would be formed. Garg said that he found it unacceptable that an outside professional would be 'allowed to go into the highly sensitive and confidential currency printing presses.' 'I found it uncalled for and decided to meet him to persuade him not to embark on that wild goose chase. He was insistent. I said that the government might appoint an expert committee but under no circumstances would I find it acceptable that an outside professional be allowed to go into the highly sensitive and confidential currency printing presses,' Garg writes in the book. 'He agreed to this. The PMO decided to appoint Bibek Debroy as head of the committee, a decision that was taken just prior to the Lok Sabha elections of 2019,' he writes. Bibek Debroy. Photo: PTI/Files Debroy had been the chairman of the PM's Economic Advisory Council since 2017. Garg writes that the Debroy committee however did not start work till his voluntary retirement in July 2019. 'Nothing has been placed by the government in public domain about the work done and conclusions reached by the Debroy Committee,' he writes. In July 2019, Garg who was moved to the power ministry applied for voluntary retirement, preferring to resign over a year before his scheduled 'superannuation' date. Although Garg's new position in the power ministry came with the same salary and perks, it was widely seen as a demotion. The decision to shift Garg to the power ministry was seen as being abrupt, primarily because the finance ministry bureaucrat was closely and personally involved with several government initiatives including ,

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