SANDF members accused of killing Hawks investigator and kidnapping foreign nationals
Two soldiers from the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) are expected to appear in the Randburg Magistrate's Court on Monday in Gauteng on charges of murder and kidnapping.
The soldiers, aged 36 and 51, were arrested on Sunday, June 22, at the OR Tambo International Airport and in Centurion, Pretoria, respectively.
The spokesperson for the Directorate for Priority Crimes Investigation (known as Hawks), Lieutenant Colonel Christopher Singo, stated that the arrests were carried out by members of the Johannesburg-based Hawks' Serious Organised Crime Investigation, the Headquarters' Serious Organised Crime Investigation, and the Tactical Operations Management Section (TOMS).
'The arrests are linked to the murder of Lieutenant Colonel Frans Mathipa, who was fatally shot while driving on the N1 highway near Hammanskraal on August 6, 2023. Following the shooting, his vehicle lost control and veered into a ditch,' Singo said.
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Daily Maverick
11 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
The Frans Mathipa case: Ramaphosa's ultimate hot potato
The arrest last week of seven members of the SANDF for the murder of Hawks investigator Frans Mathipa raises many questions about the real motive for his murder. But it could also lead to incredibly troubling questions about the situation in the SANDF, and whether its current leadership knew the truth when they denied there was a squad in the force that tortured and murdered people. In December 2023, the head of the SANDF, General Rudzani Maphwanya, was categoric. 'For the record,' he said, 'there are no military squads in the defence force that exist to carry out acts of torture and murder, for whatever reasons. The SANDF stands for the defence and the protection of the people and will always act within the confines of the law and the Constitution.' But last week 12 people under his ultimate command were arrested in connection with the murder of Hawks investigator Frans Mathipa. As Open Secrets has explained, Mathipa was investigating the illegal and violent abduction of the Ethiopian national Abdella Hussein Abadiga from the Mall of Africa in December 2022. Open Secrets has also linked cars used in that abduction to vehicles at the Simon's Town dock when the Russian vessel the Lady R docked there. These vehicles are known to be owned by the Special Forces unit of the SANDF. Also, it has been pointed out that Mathipa was shot dead while driving a moving car, a hit that reportedly could only be carried out by someone with military training. There are so many questions around this, some of which may force President Cyril Ramaphosa to act. The importance of this cannot be overstated. This is a group of Special Forces soldiers who are accused of killing a senior police investigator. It would seem likely the Police Minister Senzo Mchunu would have informed the Defence Minister Angie Motshekga what the Hawks were going to do before they made last week's arrests. And both might well have informed Ramaphosa. For the moment, it appears the system worked, the police were able to make the arrests and faced no violent opposition. Considering that these are members of a Special Forces unit, this is no small victory. But it is only the beginning of where this could lead. What did Maphwanya know? It would appear the best case scenario here is that when Maphwanya issued his denial he genuinely did not know the truth. Even if that is the case, a Commander-in-Chief might well be entitled to demand answers about how he did not know. It might not be enough to rely on reports that are kept secret. A democratically elected head of state would want to know how Maphwanya was unaware, and how he could make sure this would not happen again. But this is the best-case scenario. Most of the others are worse. If Maphwanya knew about these activities then he surely cannot stay in the job. It would be proof that he is prepared to allow people under his command to kill police officers. Important reporting over the weekend by News 24's Erika Gibson shows the SANDF is going to pay for this squad's legal defense, including briefing senior counsel. This might well suggest that Maphwanya, or at least the institution he heads, is either going to argue these men had a proper motive that he sanctioned, or that they are not guilty (in which case, which militarily trained assassin killed Maphwanya?) There are other scenarios that are not as bad as that, but still pose problems. It has been claimed that when Abadiga was abducted, the US Treasury Department had put him on a sanctions list, and that he was seen as a person allegedly affiliated to Isis. Nearly 20 years ago, in 2006, a man called Khalid Rashid was accused of being connected to terrorist networks. He was a Pakistani national who was living in Estcourt in KwaZulu-Natal. When he disappeared the lawyer Zehir Omar launched a series of court cases forcing Home Affairs to reveal where he was. Through a series of court rulings and one or two strange incidents (including a document that mysteriously arrived in Omar's food hamper) it was eventually confirmed that Rashid had been extraordinarily renditioned. In other words, he had been removed from the country at the request of American and British intelligence agencies. Perhaps Abadiga suffered a similar fate. And while that would be illegal, it might well fall under the ambit of the SANDF trying to protect South Africans from threats. Some people might accept that explanation. Maybe. But this still does not explain the other claim against this SANDF unit, that it was involved in torture. The case of Pule Nkomo, who told Open Secrets how he had been tortured, might suggest there is more to this unit than just the Abadiga case. A relatively small incident might well suggest this group has a pattern of breaking the law. Among the charges they face is one of fraud. They lodged a claim with Outsurance claiming the BMW that they used in the alleged hit had been stolen. One might have some sympathy for the insurance investigators at Outsurance. Are they really going to probe what this unit was doing? If it is the same group of people who were involved, this shows a particular pattern. And if it was a pattern, then it would seem incredible that Maphwanya did not know what this group was doing. SANDF vs SAPS Within all of this is another set of complicated dynamics. There is a general perception that the SAPS will deal with people within South Africa, while the SANDF will protect those people from threats from outside the country. Of course, this line is often blurred, and citizens themselves demanded the SANDF help protect them during the violence in July 2021. And the SANDF has a constitutional duty to protect South Africans. The stakes here are incredibly high. The SANDF and the SAPS are the two biggest organisations that employ people and give them firearms. For one to attack the other, as this unit is alleged to have done in killing Hawks investigator Mathipa, may have the potential to spiral out of control. It is important to remember that the fact that the SAPS were able to make these arrests shows this prospect is incredibly unlikely. But it has happened in other countries with disastrous results. In Lesotho the police and the military ended up on opposite sides of a political dispute. In at least one case there was a shootout between members of the two groups. The person who can play the biggest role in ensuring that this does not happen is obviously Ramaphosa. He might well need to ask serious questions around Maphwanya. As usual, the most important questions will probably be: What did Maphwanya know? And when did Maphwanya know it? But for the moment it appears that he is supporting people who are accused of killing a senior member of the police. This issue will not go away. Instead it will require active political management. Ramaphosa may have to make decisions that he, or any leader, would rather avoid. DM
Daily Maverick
13 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Tanzania turns back clock to brutal, repressive Magufuli era as elections loom
President Samia Suluhu Hassan's government is increasingly abusing anti-terrorism legislation to suppress genuine political opposition before the October polls, according to NGO Intelwatch. The government of Tanzania's President Samia Suluhu Hassan 'has begun a systematic, unrelenting and brutal clampdown on critics, opposition leaders, civil society and even foreign activists' ahead of the October 2025 elections. Hassan's government is also increasingly abusing anti-terrorism legislation to suppress genuine political opposition before the polls, according to a report, Tanzania's Repression of Dissent under the Guise of Counterterrorism by Intelwatch, a South African-based NGO dedicated to strengthening public oversight of state and private intelligence agencies in southern Africa and around the world. 'The human rights situation has regressed to levels reminiscent of the Magufuli era, marked by enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings and systematic repression,' the report says, referring to Hassan's predecessor John Magufuli, who became notorious for his brutal crackdowns on any political dissent. 'The counterterrorism task forces, notorious for the alleged kidnapping and killing of perceived government critics, have resurfaced with full force, targeting opposition figures, activists and journalists,' the report continues. Tundu Lissu arrest It cites in particular the arrest on 9 April 2025 of opposition Chadema party leader Tundu Lissu on charges of treason, which carries a potential death penalty. This was because he vowed that Chadema would boycott and disrupt the elections in the absence of reforms, such as an independent electoral commission to ensure free and fair polls. His arrest almost ensures that the October elections will go ahead without any real opposition to the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the report says. The report notes that after encouraging signs of political reform after she succeeded Magufuli in 2021, Hassan has reverted to type ahead of the elections, deploying the same methods and colonial-era and anti-terrorism legislation to undermine political freedoms and curtail opposition activities to ensure the CCM maintains its unbroken grip on power since independence. The report notes that especially after the 9/11 bombings in the US in 2001, Tanzania came under especially US pressure to strengthen its counterterrorism legislation, particularly adding provisions to address money laundering to curtail terrorism financing. Abuse of legislation However, it adds that instead of combating terrorism, these tougher measures have been repeatedly used to 'quash political opposition, muzzle independent journalism and target human rights defenders'. It cites the case of at least 50 leaders of the Association for Islamic Mobilisation and Propagation (Uamsho), a Muslim group advocating for Zanzibar's secession from the union with Tanzania, who were detained for almost nine years from 2012 to 2021. 'Despite their release, it is estimated that at least another 150 clerics are still behind bars', the report says. The report cites the case of Wilfred Lwakatare, an opposition leader from the main opposition party Chadema, who was arrested in 2013 and fought lengthy court battles before being released. Chadema leader Freeman Mbowe was arrested in 2021 – under Hassan's presidency – on terrorism charges for allegedly financing terrorist activities with the intent of assassinating government officials. No credible evidence was presented and Hassan had the case dropped after behind-the-scenes negotiations between her and Mbowe. The report says the abuse of anti-terror legislation took off with President Jakaya Kikwete and peaked under Magufuli, who was elected in 2015 and died in office in 2021, apparently of Covid. Extrajudicial killings and disappearances spiked under Magufuli. A 'credible' estimate is that security forces killed at least 3,000 people between 2016 and 2020, the report says. Tanzania plunged in the World Press Freedom Index, from 71 in 2016 to 124 in 2021 (out of 180 countries) after the government introduced stringent regulations curtailing freedom of expression. The police actively monitored internet and social media communications 'to suppress debates and messaging which portrayed Magufuli in an unfavourable light'. Optimism snuffed out The report notes that when then vice-president Hassan succeeded Magufuli, there was initial optimism that she might usher in a new era of respect for the rule of law and human rights, particularly concerning counter-terrorism efforts. She did introduce some political reforms, notably lifting Magufuli's ban on political rallies; ordering the release of prisoners facing money laundering, economic sabotage and terrorism charges; freeing the 36 Uamsho clerics; issuing a stern warning to the police and security agencies against targeting civilians; and appointing a bipartisan task force to propose minimum electoral reforms ahead of the 2025 elections. However, very little came of these moves and the hopes of reform were dashed when opposition Chadema leader Mbowe was arrested. As it became clear that the state had no evidence against him, and under mounting domestic and international pressure, Hassan eventually released Mbowe in exchange for 'reconciliation' talks between Chadema and CCM. Brutality after democracy pretensions abandoned The Intelwatch report says, 'if any evidence were needed to confirm that President Hassan and her advisers have abandoned all pretensions to democracy and reform, it is the recent wave of attacks on foreign human rights defenders that came to support Lissu ahead of his treason trial'. It notes that a group of politicians, jurists and human rights activists from the region, including former Kenyan Minister of Justice Martha Karua, 'renowned Kenyan human rights defender' Boniface Mwangia, and Agather Atuhairet, a 'high-profile Ugandan lawyer-activist', were detained at Julius Nyerere International Airport in Dar es Salaam on 18 May 2025. They were kept in police custody for four days, the report said. Karua and Athuhairet were 'brutally tortured, humiliated and tormented… both … suffered inhuman, degrading and brutal treatment'. They were allegedly handcuffed and blindfolded, told to strip naked and tortured, and sexually assaulted before being dumped on the Kenyan border, the report said. But the report adds that such cases are not new, as opposition figures have continued to disappear or be murdered under Hassan's rule. It cites Chadema's secretary, Ally Kibao, who was kidnapped in September 2024 from a bus in broad daylight. His lifeless body, the face burned with acid, was dumped in a forest. In July 2024, 24-year-old artist Shadrack Chaula was sentenced to two years in prison or a fine of $2,000 for drawing and burning a picture of President Hassan. After paying the fine and securing his release, Chaula 'disappeared less than a month later and has never been seen again'. State repression The report says that 'Tanzania's transformation into a surveillance state has been largely facilitated by external actors who have provided sophisticated technological capabilities, training and operational support to the country's security apparatus.' It cites mainly China, Russia and Israel for supplying such technology, though also mentioning Western countries. The report concludes that 'the history and evolution of state repression in Tanzania reveals a disconcerting narrative of a democracy in decline — one in which counterterrorism has become a euphemism for authoritarian consolidation. 'Under the guise of ensuring national security, successive leaders have normalised arbitrary arrests and detentions, enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, digital surveillance and the silencing of dissent. 'The brief moments of optimism under President Hassan's early presidency, when reformist rhetoric suggested a push towards democratic renewal, have quickly given way to the weaponisation of terrorism legislation against opposition leaders such as Tundu Lissu. 'The brutal treatment of foreign human rights defenders, and the systemic targeting of journalists and activists indicate an intensification of the repressive apparatus honed under President Magufuli. 'Held in such an atmosphere of digital authoritarianism and the attendant fear and repression, the October 2025 elections are unlikely to produce an outcome reflecting the democratic will of Tanzanians.' Intelwatch urged the international community, regional partners and Tanzanian citizens to address the crisis 'with urgency and resolve' or 'the Tanzanian model will become a blueprint for future repression across Africa'. DM
TimesLIVE
21 hours ago
- TimesLIVE
Limpet mine may have damaged Greek tanker off Libya, say sources
A limpet mine may have caused a blast that damaged a Greek tanker sailing off Libya's coast last week, the fifth such incident to hit commercial shipping in the region in recent months, maritime security sources said on Tuesday. The Marshall Islands-flagged tanker Vilamoura had left the Libyan port of Zuetina on June 27 to head to Gibraltar with some 1-million barrels of oil when there was an explosion in the engine room, its Greece-based operator TMS said on Monday. According to initial assessments, a limpet mine was a likely cause of the blast, four maritime security sources said. A company representative with knowledge of the matter told Reuters that TMS was in no position to know what caused the blast until a full assessment of the damage was conducted once the vessel arrived in Greece later on Tuesday or on July 2. The tanker's last position was off Greece's southern coast, ship tracking data on the MarineTraffic platform showed on Tuesday. The ship's engine room was flooded due to the blast and the vessel lost maneuverability, although it was able to be towed towards Greece, TMS added in a statement on Monday.
