&w=3840&q=100)
China's big fear: US may target it if Russia loses Ukraine war
Beijing fears that if Russia loses in the ongoing conflict with Ukraine, the US would shift its entire focus to tackling China. The candid admission came from Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi while talking to European leaders, something that really surprised officials in Brussels, reported South China Morning Post (SCMP).
Wang's comments came during talks with EU's de facto foreign affairs chief Kaja Kallas. When Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning was asked about Wang's comments, she simply evaded the question.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
During a four-hour debate covering a broad spectrum of issues, Wang Yi reportedly dismissed claims that China is materially fuelling Russia's war effort.
He argued that if Beijing were truly providing such support, the conflict would have ended by now, according to sources cited by the Post.
Some interpret Wang's Brussels remarks as suggesting that, while China didn't start the war, its continuation could align with Beijing's strategic interests by keeping Washington preoccupied with Ukraine.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has repeatedly accused China of arming Russia, claiming on May 29 that Beijing halted drone sales to Ukraine and Western nations while continuing to supply Moscow.
Wang's rebuttal comes at a time when US support for Kyiv, its primary military backer, is faltering. On July 1, the US Defence Department halted deliveries of critical weapons to Ukraine, including Patriot air defence missiles and precision-guided munitions.
Meanwhile, ties between Moscow and Beijing are deepening. Russian President Vladimir Putin is set to meet Chinese President Xi Jinping in China in September for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit, signalling a strengthening of their strategic partnership.
Earlier on Wednesday, Wang Yi held meetings with European Council President Antonio Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. According to EU sources, the two presidents were fully aligned with each other and Kallas on all key issues discussed.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
&w=3840&q=100)

Business Standard
19 minutes ago
- Business Standard
Dalai Lama turns 90: Monk, exile, Nobel laureate and symbol of hope
On July 6, 1935, a boy named Lhamo Dhondup was born in a small village in Amdo, northeastern Tibet. The sixth of sixteen children, his early life was marked by simplicity and hardship—his parents were barley farmers, his mother remembered as endlessly kind, and his father temperamental but fair. At age two, his fate changed forever. A Tibetan government search party—guided by omens and visions—arrived at Kumbum Monastery and identified him as the reincarnation of the 13th Dalai Lama. In a series of tests, the toddler correctly recognised possessions of his predecessor, proclaiming, 'It's mine.' This convinced the high lamas that they had found the 14th Dalai Lama. What followed was a wrenching separation from his family and early life in monasteries under strict discipline. In 1940, he was formally enthroned in Lhasa and renamed Jamphel Ngawang Lobsang Yeshe Tenzin Gyatso. The journey from a remote village to the Potala Palace marked the beginning of a spiritual and political saga that would span the century. A monk forced to rule too early Tenzin Gyatso began his monastic education at the age of six, studying under the Nalanda curriculum. Subjects ranged from Buddhist philosophy and logic to Sanskrit grammar and poetry. He would go on to attain the Geshe Lharampa degree, equivalent to a doctorate in Buddhist studies. But the burden of spiritual tutelage soon gave way to geopolitical responsibility. In 1950, at just 15, he was urged by senior monks and government oracles to take on full political authority, as Chinese troops invaded eastern Tibet. Despite efforts to initiate dialogue with the Chinese leadership—including meetings with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai in 1954—the People's Liberation Army tightened its grip. In March 1959, following a failed uprising and intelligence about a plot to abduct or assassinate him, the Dalai Lama disguised himself as a soldier and fled Lhasa. After crossing the Himalayas under harsh conditions, he reached Arunachal Pradesh and was granted asylum by India. Building a new Tibet in exile In exile, the Dalai Lama transformed from a besieged leader into a builder of institutions. The Indian government, under former Prime Minister Jawaharlala Nehru, helped establish schools for Tibetan children, rehabilitation centres for refugees, and eventually the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) in Dharamsala, now known as 'Little Lhasa". On June 20, 1959, the Dalai Lama officially repudiated the Seventeen-Point Agreement signed under duress with China. He announced his vision for a democratic Tibet and began creating a system of self-governance among the refugees. In 1963, he introduced the Charter of Tibetans in Exile, laying the foundation for a democratic polity with legislative, executive and judicial branches. By 2001, Tibetans in exile were electing their political leader—the Kalon Tripa—through universal adult franchise. In 2011, the Dalai Lama formally devolved his political authority, ending a 368-year-old tradition of spiritual-political rule. 'I am now a retired monk,' he said, even as he remained the symbolic heartbeat of the Tibetan cause. A global symbol of compassion and resistance While he remained stateless, the Dalai Lama became a citizen of the world. Travelling to over 67 countries, meeting leaders, scientists, religious scholars and activists, he carried a message of compassion, interdependence and non-violence. His 1987 Five-Point Peace Plan, proposed before the US Congress, called for Tibet to be declared a zone of peace and demanded protection of Tibet's fragile ecology and culture. In 1989, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his advocacy of non-violent struggle in the face of aggression. The Nobel Committee praised his consistent opposition to the use of violence and his concern for global environmental issues. Through the Mind and Life Institute, he fostered dialogue between Buddhist monks and scientists on topics such as neurobiology, consciousness, and emotional regulation—creating a bridge between ancient wisdom and modern science. Question of succession As he enters his tenth decade, the Dalai Lama has turned focus to a question that carries deep spiritual and political weight: his succession. In 2011, he issued a formal statement detailing how a 15th Dalai Lama could be recognised—through traditional Buddhist procedures involving senior lamas and divination rituals—not political appointments. On July 2, 2025, he made it clear that the authority to recognise his reincarnation rests solely with the Gaden Phodrang Trust established by him. Dalai Lama has repeatedly said that any successor selected by Beijing would not be accepted. 'In order (for the) Chinese government to take responsibility for reincarnation in general, particularly me, first, Chinese communists should accept the theory of rebirth,' he had remarked in 2017. Legacy beyond Tibet Today, the Dalai Lama remains a towering moral figure, even without territorial power. His life has become emblematic of the spiritual resilience of Tibet and a broader global yearning for moral clarity in an age of polarisation and authoritarianism. From a farming family in a forgotten Tibetan village to becoming the face of non-violent resistance and interfaith dialogue, his journey is without parallel. He has written over 110 books, been honoured with more than 150 awards, and inspired generations with the simplest of ideas—that inner peace is the first step toward world peace. As Dalai Lama turns 90, the world celebrates not just a spiritual teacher, but a guiding light in today's polarising world. In his own words: "Basically, the universal responsibility is feeling for other people's suffering just as we feel our own. It is the realisation that even our enemy is entirely motivated by the quest for happiness. We must recognise that all beings want the same thing that we want. This is the way to achieve a true understanding, unfettered by artificial consideration."


The Hindu
24 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Brazil hosts BRICS summit, eager to avoid provoking Trump's ire on tariffs
Brazil will play host to a summit of the BRICS bloc of developing economies on Sunday and Monday (July 6 and 7, 2025) during which pressing topics like Israel's attack on Iran, the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and trade tariffs imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump are expected to be handled with caution. Analysts and diplomats said the lack of cohesion in an enlarged BRICS, which doubled in size last year, may affect its ability to become another pole in world affairs. They also see the summit's moderate agenda as an attempt by member countries to stay off Trump's radar. Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva will have some of his priorities, such as debates on artificial intelligence and climate change, front and centre for the talks with key leaders not in attendance. China's President Xi Jinping won't attend a BRICS summit for the first time since he became his country's leader in 2012. Russian President Vladimir Putin, who will make an appearance via video conference, continues to mostly avoid travelling abroad due to an international arrest warrant issued after Russia invaded Ukraine. The restraint expected in Rio de Janeiro marks a departure from last year's summit hosted by Russia in Kazan, when the Kremlin sought to develop alternatives to U.S.-dominated payment systems which would allow it to dodge Western sanctions imposed after Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. A source involved in the negotiations told journalists on Friday that some members of the group want more aggressive language on the situation in Gaza and Israel's attack on Iran. The source spoke under the condition of anonymity because they were not authorised to speak about the matter publicly. 'Brazil wants to keep the summit as technical as possible,' said Oliver Stuenkel, a professor at the Getulio Vargas Foundation think tank and university. Consequently, observers expect a vague final declaration regarding Russia's war in Ukraine and conflicts in the Middle East. As well as suiting Brazil, a watered-down and non-controversial statement may be made easier by the absences of Mr. Putin and Mr. Xi, Stuenkel said. Those two countries have pushed for a stronger anti-Western stance, as opposed to Brazil and India that prefer non-alignment. A Brazilian government official told The Associated Press on Thursday that the group is expected to produce three joint statements and a final declaration, 'all of which less bounded by current geopolitical tensions.' The official spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorised to speak publicly about the summit's preparations. João Alfredo Nyegray, an international business and geopolitics professor at the Pontifical Catholic University in Parana, said the summit could have played a role in showing an alternative to an unstable world, but won't do so. 'The withdrawal of Egypt's President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and the uncertainty about the level of representation for countries like Iran, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are confirming the difficulty for the BRICS to establish themselves as a cohesive pole of global leadership,' Mr. Nyegray said. 'This moment demands high level articulation, but we are actually seeing dispersion.' Brazil, the country that chairs the bloc, has picked six strategic priorities for the summit: global cooperation in healthcare; trade, investment and finance; climate change; governance for artificial intelligence; peace-making and security; and institutional development. It has decided to focus on less controversial issues, such as promoting trade relations between members and global health, after Trump returned to the White House, said Ana Garcia, a professor at the Rio de Janeiro Federal Rural University. 'Brazil wants the least amount of damage possible and to avoid drawing the attention of the Trump administration to prevent any type of risk to the Brazilian economy,' Ms. Garcia said. While Brazil will continue to advocate for the reform of Western-led global institutions, a cornerstone policy of the group, the country wants to avoid becoming the target of tariffs — a predicament it has so far largely escaped. Mr. Trump has threatened to impose 100% tariffs against the bloc if they take any moves to undermine the dollar. Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and Egypt's Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi will also be absent. Those two countries joined the BRICS in 2024, alongside Ethiopia, Indonesia and the United Arab Emirates. Saudi Arabia has been invited and is participating in member discussions, but it has yet to send its confirmation letter. As well as new members, the bloc has 10 strategic partner countries, a category created at last year's summit that includes Belarus, Cuba and Vietnam. That rapid expansion led Brazil to put housekeeping issues — officially termed institutional development — on the agenda to better integrate new members and boost internal cohesion. Despite notable absences, the summit is important for attendees, especially in the context of instability provoked by Mr. Trump's tariff wars, said Bruce Scheidl, a researcher at the University of Sao Paulo's BRICS study group. 'The summit offers the best opportunity for emerging countries to respond, in the sense of seeking alternatives and diversifying their economic partnerships,' Mr. Scheidl said. For Mr. Lula, the summit will be a welcome pause from a difficult domestic scenario, marked by a drop in popularity and conflict with Congress. The meeting also represents an opportunity to advance climate negotiations and commitments on protecting the environment before November's COP 30 climate talks in the Amazonian city of Belem.
&w=3840&q=100)

First Post
24 minutes ago
- First Post
Is China's Xi Jinping planning his exit after 12 years of iron fist rule?
New rules suggest that China's ruling party plans to standardise its decision-making process, and that President Xi may delegate some of his power to his juniors read more Is Chinese President Xi Jinping planning for succession 12 years after ruling with an iron fist? According to a report by Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post (SCMP), new rules governing some party organs suggest that China's ruling Communist Party of China is planning to standardise its decision-making process, and that President Xi may be delegating some of his power to his juniors. The new rules, approved on Monday (June 30) by 24-member Politburo, the party's top echelon, would apply on several 'party coordinative institutes'. These are the organisations responsible for coordinating cross-agency policies in a specific area. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD State news agency Xinhua reported that these regulations aim to standardise the policy coordination and review process at the top. Xinhua reported that the new rules say such party institutes should focus on 'planning, discussing and checking on major matters'. Xi giving his deputies more power According to observers cited by the SCMP, this new move underscores a trend that the Chinese president is delegating more powers to his deputies on day-to-day basis. Dali Yang, a political scientist at the University of Chicago, explained that China's new measures under Xi Jinping aim to formalise governance through laws and regulations, bringing greater consistency to operations. 'Especially because he remains himself the chairman of so many of these coordination organs, in addition to his party [and] state titles, all of which need his time and attention, which is not limitless,' Yang said. However, Victor Shih, an expert in Chinese elite politics and finance at UC San Diego, noted that these efforts to streamline high-level coordination bodies don't signal significant delegation of power. 'However, it does seem that Xi might pay less attention to day-to-day details, which necessitates a policing mechanism to ensure that his policy priorities are still being carried out by lower-level officials.' Since 2012, Beijing has breathed new life into long-standing party coordination groups, created new ones, and absorbed entire government offices into them, with Xi chairing most. These steps reflect Xi's push for 'strengthening the comprehensive leadership of the party,' tightening its grip over critical policy areas like economic affairs, national security, reform, and cybersecurity. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Many of these bodies started as 'leading small groups' but have since been upgraded to 'central commissions,' which play larger roles in decision-making and coordinating across key agencies. For instance, in 2020, the party's Hong Kong and Macau affairs group was elevated and now includes regional leaders and officials overseeing national security and foreign affairs. By 2023, it had fully absorbed the powers of the State Council's Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office. Similar consolidations have occurred in areas like financial stabilisation, religious policies, and engagement with overseas Chinese. Since 2023, these party groups have also become platforms for power-sharing among Xi's top allies. Two commissions launched in March 2023—the Central Financial Commission and the Central Science and Technology Commission—are led by Premier Li Qiang and Vice-Premier Ding Xuexiang, respectively. Meanwhile, Xi's chief of staff, Cai Qi, now heads the Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission, overseeing cybersecurity and internet policy—a role Xi himself once held.