Some see July 12th bonfires as sectarian. For others, they're about social cohesion
The 300 or so pyres are associated with loyalist areas that are part of the wider unionist communities and are part of the
annual Twelfth of July commemorative celebrations
for King William III's 1690 victory at the Battle of the Boyne. The bonfires are lit on the Eleventh Night, in advance of the parades and street parties held the following day.
Politically contentious and physically imposing, these towering bonfires, often several stories high, raise concerns about the
danger to houses and other structures
, as well as their environmental impact. They often feature sectarian messaging aimed at nationalist parties and individual politicians, as well as effigies, Catholic religious imagery and tricolours which are placed on the bonfires to be incinerated. However, it's not only Catholic communities who may feel unsafe or unwelcome as a result of the effigies. This year, an effigy of refugees in a boat on top of the bonfire at Moygashel has been
widely condemned
as 'racist' and 'dehumanising'.
Because of these tensions, many families, not just from Catholic backgrounds, but also from migrant communities,
leave the North during this period or take their family holidays.
READ MORE
[
Calls for removal of 'racist' migrant effigies in boat placed on loyalist bonfire in NI
Opens in new window
]
An effigy of refugees on a bonfire in Moygashel, Co Tyrone. Photograph: Jonathan McCambridge/PA Wire
Despite the unease of many, some within Protestant/loyalist communities regard the bonfires as sources of pride and community closeness.
A recent study I carried out at Queen's University examined the role of social connection to protect the mental health among adolescent males in Belfast (aged 16-19). Protestant/loyalist young men described to me unexpected aspects of the bonfires which supported strong cohesion in their communities.
Older boys played an important role in mentoring younger ones on how to gather bonfire materials (including wooden pallets, old furniture and tyres) while also imparting knowledge of building techniques. They took pride in becoming mentors and providing guidance for 'the young ones'.
'We'll be friends with people a few years older than us . . . we would have only been about 12 and they would tell us we had to go and get all the collect(ion) for the bonfire, go and get all the wood,' one boy, whom I called Gabriel (not his real name), said.
The boys and young men stayed out all night to 'guard their wood' and protect the bonfires from theft or sabotage at the hands of fellow bonfire-builders who may have wanted to use the materials for their own pyres. They were also protecting the materials from boys in nearby Catholic areas who were offended by or afraid of the bonfires.
'It would either be Catholics . . . coming to burn your bonfire, or else another bonfire (group) come and try and steal your pallets . . . So, if your bonfire gets [set alight], you automatically think it was the Catholics, but if your pallets get stolen, it was another bonfire,' said another, Benjamin (not his real name).
Parents supply dinners and older people bring baked goods and juice to help the boys pass their night watch. These interactions were a source of pride for the young men and seen as evidence of the strong sense of 'tradition' and 'community' in their neighbourhoods. Participants linked the way they were treated as bonfire builders with the more outwardly visible community celebrations like parades and street parties.
Benjamin described how 'even when we're staying out and all, there's a wee woman who lives directly facing the bonfire, she would . . . well, if we're out stacking the bonfire, she will come out, big jugs of juice and give us food, sandwiches and all, stuff like that'.
For some, this pride was accompanied by concern that these traditions were under threat and fading away. Modern challenges like lack of housing meant that waste grounds across north Belfast and the Shankill are being developed into new housing estates. The young men spoke candidly about the tension between protecting their cultural heritage, while also acknowledging that the spaces could be used for new homes where they could some day raise their own families.
'Personally, I would agree to put houses, because it's a big, massive space where our bonfire is. You could get a good couple of houses, so easily 60 houses . . . New people moving in. But most people don't think like this. But I agree with the houses because there's a different site [nearby] where you can have a bonfire, but it's not going to be massive, massive, massive,' said Samuel (not his real name).
Some of the young men proposed a number of creative solutions, including smaller signal fires in lieu of larger structures to preserve culture and tradition, while mitigating health and safety risks and sectarian implications.
Although the boys recognised that Catholic neighbours and people from other communities may feel unsafe or unwelcome during this period, this awareness of the threatening nature of sectarian symbolism did not prompt a deeper inspection of the broader cultural dynamic surrounding the holiday. Nor did it cause them to consider that their Catholic neighbours could feel unsafe for deeper reasons than just the presence of flags.
'It's just like the others say they don't want to see them. The Catholics don't want to see them, but (it) just goes one way, it's whatever community argues about it . . . now there's only about two bonfires left in the Shankill, three bonfires,' said Benjamin.
A small number of participants acknowledged the high prevalence of substance use and antisocial behaviours at the celebrations, which contrasts with the simpler events of prior decades. This echoed
recent research
by Amanda Hall at Reading University investigating the increasing prominence of unsafe and unhealthy behaviours on the Eleventh Night, including the involvement of loyalist paramilitaries, complicating the bonfires' image as a family event.
But my study revealed a less discussed aspect of bonfire season – that the fires were the visible product of deeper structures creating social cohesion within Protestant/loyalist community life. The Eleventh Night is the culmination of months of collaborative efforts.
This energy and enthusiasm for their local traditions could be harnessed for a range of other activities, as evidenced in the neighbourhood renewal projects taking place across Northern Ireland.
As the region looks to a more inclusive future, rather than focusing only on the controversial and divisive aspects of the fires, it's worth also considering their importance to one community in fostering social cohesion – through collaboration, mentorship and shared identity.
Dr Amanda Dylina Morse PhD MPH is a social epidemiologist and research fellow within Queen's Communities and Place (QCAP) at Queen's University Belfast
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Irish Times
4 hours ago
- Irish Times
Letters to the Editor, July 12th: The Constitution and the presidency, Obama's gig, and building on the cheap
Sir, – The Constitution of Ireland is clear: candidates for the presidency may be nominated by four local authorities. This provision exists to ensure that the nomination process is not monopolised by party elites in Leinster House and to allow for broader democratic participation, including by councillors representing their local communities. Recent suggestions that political parties will 'direct' their councillors not to support Independent candidates in the presidential race are deeply troubling. Such moves, whether formal or informal, are not only anti-democratic but arguably undermine the constitutional purpose of allowing local authorities to nominate. Councillors are elected by the people to exercise their judgment, not to act as party delegates. READ MORE Attempting to impose party discipline on a constitutional process intended to be pluralistic sets a dangerous precedent. It narrows the democratic field, silences independent voices, and reduces councillors to rubber stamps. This may not breach the Constitution in a strictly legal sense, but it certainly breaches its spirit. Ireland deserves a presidential nomination process that is open, fair, and reflective of the full diversity of the nation, not one filtered through internal party politics. – Yours, etc, MICHAEL O'DOWD, Drogheda, Co Louth. Sir, – Given the lack of influence over government policy does it really matter whether a presidential candidate is left, right or centrist as long as they are mindful of their constitutional obligations. – Yours, etc, ROBERT GRAYDON, Redgate, Limerick. Sir, – Micheál Martin and Mary Lou McDonald to become rotating president. All other candidates to be super juniors. Easy ! – Yours, etc, JIM TOOMEY, Ballsbridge, Dublin. Sir, – With regard to potential candidates for the presidency, one new criteria this time should be 'will they look good as a tea cosy?' – Yours, etc, SIOBHÁN NÍ CHUANAIGH, Clonskeagh, Dublin 14. Housing and costs Sir, – Cost is, understandably, a major constraint in public infrastructure and housing. But recent statements by Minister for Public Infrastructure Jack Chambers, and the reduction in apartment standards announced by Minister for Housing James Browne, suggest a worrying trend: valuing short-term savings over long-term quality. There's a persistent myth that good design is expensive. In truth, thoughtful design is what delivers true value for money. When upfront cost becomes the only driver, we risk undermining the liveability and resilience of our built environment. One particularly regressive change is the move away from dual-aspect apartments and the loosening of limits on the number of homes per core – a shift likely to result in endless corridors and anonymous housing blocks (fire regulations notwithstanding). Decades of experience tell us this erodes social ties, weakens community cohesion, and invites security issues. Shared spaces become nobody's responsibility, and those most affected – the elderly, parents, people with disabilities – are left dealing with the fallout. The government's own architectural policy, Places for People (2022), prioritises design quality, sustainability, and long-term value. Yet we now seem to be ignoring its principles in favour of the old 'cheapest wins' procurement model. When minimum standards are set, they quickly become maximums. Has anyone properly assessed the unintended consequences of these new policies? Or are we leaving that for the next generation to discover? As those working in architecture and urban design know, the real impact of decisions made today will be seen in 10 or 20 years. By then, we may regret trading long-term liveability for short-term savings. We remain committed to creating vibrant, inclusive neighbourhoods – but the quality of what we're allowed to build matters. – Yours, etc, JONNY McKENNA, Partner, Metropolitan Workshop, Fumbally Court, Dublin. Sir, – Please allow me to bring some clarity to the debate over the disappearance of bedsit accommodation since 2009. Contrary to what Michael McDowell says, bedsits were not prohibited by the Housing (Standards for Rented Houses) Regulations 2008. The significant requirements of the Act were for each bedsit to have independent cooking and sanitary accommodation. Fire safety was to be addressed by the installation of a fire alarms and smoke blankets. Some landlords were able to bring existing bedsits into compliance by internal subdivision of apartments or by building extensions. However, these were in the minority. The simplest solution for landlords was to eliminate some of the bedsits to serve as bathrooms and kitchens for the others. Inevitably, this led to a reduction in bedsit numbers. But this solution was not as simple as it seemed. When planning applications were made they were judged against the minimum apartment area criteria contained in the local authority development plans. These standards, primarily intended for new apartments, meant that many applications were refused as being 'sub-standard'. For instance, a house in nine bedsits seeking to reduce to six might only achieve permission for three apartments. There was a further complication. Material alterations to the building associated with the re-ordering of the apartments would have to comply with Part B of the building regulations. This resulted in a root and branch fire and structural upgrading. Is it any wonder that property owners would choose the option to sell in these circumstances? One cannot argue against proper minimum standards for living accommodation, but nobody considered or understood the social cost of the regulations and nobody sought to advocate on behalf of those tenants who were affected. Clearly, as per John Mark McCafferty's letter (July 10th), Threshold were fully behind the regulations. I question Mr McCafferty's assertion that there were sufficient low-cost apartments available to tenants coming out of bedsits. Daft reported in 2009 that the average monthly apartment rent cost in Dublin was €1,070 and nationally €840. Yes, rents were falling due to recession, but this was not likely to persist. It is difficult to find an average pre-2009 bedsit rental cost, but a trawl on the internet suggests a figure of €400 per month. In 2009 the old-age pension was €876 per month. Need I say more? Clearly, the social cost of the 2008 regulations was not understood or considered at the time either by those who advocated for the regulations or those who introduced them. – Yours, etc, JOHN DEATON, Dublin 14. Obama, oh dear . . . Sir, – Great news – former POTUS Barack Obama is coming to Dublin. I'm really motivated to attend. I can buy a ticket. I just need to focus. Believe. Yes I can! But wait, look at the price. No, I can't! – Yours, etc, MARY FOGARTY , Balbriggan, Co Dublin. Sir, – I was astounded to see Barrack Obama is putting on a performance at the 3 Arena. Would his obvious talents not be better employed trying to influence policy in his own country and the Middle East and perhaps break the media blackout in Gaza? He hardly needs the money. – Yours, etc, MAGGIE FITZGERALD, Station Road, Killiney. Bonfires in the North Sir, – An estimated two million wooden pallets will be burned on the 11th night in the North as a so-called expression of culture, along with tens of thousands of tyres. The environmental, public health, and financial costs are staggering. Burning tyres and treated timber releases toxic pollutants such as dioxins, heavy metals, and fine particulate matter (PM2.5), which can exacerbate respiratory and cardiovascular conditions. Research has shown that emissions from these fires can temporarily push air pollution in affected areas to levels far exceeding EU and World Health Organisation safety thresholds. The clean-up cost to public bodies in the North runs into millions annually, with local councils, the Housing Executive, and NI Water all forced to fund damage repair and waste removal. This excludes the untold cost to private industry, such as pallet suppliers, whose property is sometimes stolen. Some retailers have launched investigations after their pallets appeared in bonfire piles. Despite environmental legislation clearly prohibiting open burning of waste, there is no enforcement, but often de facto collusion. Regulatory bodies appear paralysed by so-called political sensitivities, while police often classify bonfires as 'community relations' matters, not environmental crimes. The result is a law-free zone. Any debate on a united Ireland will have to confront this issue in a way British politicians, the Northern Ireland Executive and the PSNI have failed to do. But, surely the kind of paralysis evident here makes it clear to anyone in the South that inheriting this environmental nightmare would be a bridge too far? – Yours, etc, DECLAN DOYLE, Kilkenny. Walking, ducking and a bit of diving Sir, – I do a bit of walking and recently I had a Eureka moment when it came to me that there may be a connection between the upsurge in the numbers presenting with insect bites and the overgrowth of shrubs, bushes and trees on paths and roads. Regularly, pedestrians have to duck and dive to avoid overhanging foliage and to weave on and off paths. Sometimes that's not possible and, when wearing shorts, I've turned out to be easy pickings for various bugs and have the scars to prove it. There are times when, in the interest of nature, pruning back vegetation is not advisable. However, that seems now to be the case all year round now and I wonder if the only cutbacks councils are bothered with are budgetary? – Yours, etc, MICHAEL KEEGAN, Booterstown, Co Dublin. An ice-cream shared . . . Sir, – What a heartening photograph, by Bryan O'Brien, of little Sofia Levins and her mam on your front page (July 10th). It contrasts starkly with the banner photo of the glum looking Gallagher brothers (Oasis) just above it. I wonder if Sofia could share some of her ice-cream with these two boys. It might brighten up their day too. – Yours, etc, MICHAEL GANNON, Saint Thomas Square, Kilkenny. Take a bow, letter writers Sir, – Last month your letter writers highlighted lack of respect shown by GAA teams at the playing of our national anthem. Since then at televised games there has certainly been a considerable improvement in players' attention to this matter. Last week a letter writer complained about the lack of action by airport police in preventing parking at the set down area at Terminal 1 in Dublin Airport which had been highlighted by another reader. Yesterday, at a very busy time on arrival at Terminal l set-down, as I found a place, I noticed airport police member walking past. He immediately engaged in conversation with the driver of vehicle, clearly parked, behind me. Having delivered my passenger, I noticed he was still engaged with this driver. Obviously, your letter writers complaints are being noticed by 'the powers that be' in all areas. Take a bow letter writers and The Irish Times. – Yours, etc, RICHARD POWER, Ballymacarbry, Co Waterford. Sitting on the benches Sir, – It was wonderful to see the excellent high quality work that was done between Leeson Street and Baggot Street, particularly the all-important benches. I wonder could Waterways Ireland consider installing some benches on the stretch between Tyrconnell Road and Harold's Cross bridge? There are no benches on this stretch of canal which includes Drimnagh, Inchicore and Crumlin. I emailed them on this topic, but they're obviously too busy working in Dublin 4 to reply. – Yours, etc , SHEA CARROLL, Emmet Road, Dublin 8. Supermarket sweeps Sir, – Barry O'Halloran reported that Tesco will create 400 jobs and that the Minister for Enterprise, Tourism and Employment predicted the move will boost local towns (' Tesco to create 400 jobs ,' July 7th). One wonders if there are any jobs being created or if they are displacing smaller shops and businesses. There is a finite amount of money to go around so I question how these new jobs will be created. I also question how they will boost local towns as Tesco stores are often found on the outskirts of towns and actually take from the traditional core (where the displaced businesses are usually located) They are certainly not a boost. I don't think the Minister is joining the dots here. – Yours, etc, JAMES STAPLETON, Balbriggan, Co Dublin. Vacant buildings in Dublin Sir, – Mark Wynne (Letters, July 10th) is correct to express astonishment at the dereliction in Dublin city centre. This newspaper published a comprehensive article by your Dublin Editor Olivia Kelly in early February. It had collated perfect data in its research and statistics for the Minister for Housing, James Browne, and the Government to act in relation to empty properties between the two canals in Dublin. No further investigation or 'looking into the matter' was required. In the following weeks, I was waiting (along with many others, I'm sure) on some major announcement by the Government about how legislation and taxation policy would be changed immediately so that these 4,000 (approximately) units between the two canals would be turned into student accommodation, shared living, etc. But nothing. As Mr Wynne writes, it is 'low hanging fruit', and the lack of action by the Government in the last five months shows they really do not care about solving the housing crisis and do have their heads in the sand. – Yours, etc, ORLA MAGORRIAN, Clontarf, Dublin.
Irish Times
5 hours ago
- Irish Times
Sexual abuse in schools inquiry
Sir, –This week the Minister for Education Helen McEntee announced the establishment of a Commission of Investigation into sexual abuse in all day and boarding schools. I attended Willow Park and Blackrock College as a boarder in the 1960s. Sadly, I experienced many years of physical and mental abuse. It is very disappointing that the dreadful abuse of corporal punishment, suffered by so many in this country, has not been included in this investigation. Any kind of abuse, be it sexual or otherwise, leaves dreadful lifelong scars, and stays with victims for the rest of their lives. – Yours, etc, BRIAN McDEVITT, READ MORE Glenties, Co Donegal.
Irish Times
9 hours ago
- Irish Times
Ex-TD Violet-Anne Wynne says she cannot pay rent and is depending on goodwill
Former independent Clare TD Violet-Anne Wynne told a court on Friday she was not able to pay her weekly rent of €300 this week, and that herself and her family are depending on the goodwill of others. At Ennis District Court, Ms Wynne, a mother of six, disclosed that she is living on 'goodwill from a lot of people' and 'sometimes obviously going to other people who lend money and add on interest'. Ms Wynne was in court after being asked to substantiate her claim, with a statement of means, that she currently has no income to pay off a residual €6,500 debt to a former constituency office worker, Fiona Smyth, from a €11,500 Workplace Relations Commission (WRC) award made against her . On Friday, Judge Alec Gabbett ordered Ms Wynne to pay off the €6,500 debt in instalments of €50 per week. Ms Wynne said that her partner, John Mountaine, is self-employed but has been unable to work since mid-May due to suffering epilepsy seizures four times a day. Ms Wynne said she has received loans from family 'and they are of the opinion that I am not able to pay back the money that they have provided to me and family for the likes of shopping, clothes and stuff like that for my children'. Ms Wynne disclosed that household bills total €895 each week but there is only an income of €500, leaving a shortfall every week of €395. Judge Gabbett told Ms Wynne: 'I need you to be more forthcoming. There is a serious deficit of information here. There may be a cogent explanation for some of this but in the absence of paper it is problematic.' Ms Wynne said: 'It is not a case that I have withheld information.' Judge Gabbett said that if the debt is not paid, it is a criminal offence, 'and that is quite serious for someone like you, a former member of the Dáil'. Ms Wynne said that disability benefit for her partner is something she will look into. Judge Gabbett also told Ms Wynne that he needs a letter from the Clerk of the Dáil about how much she is entitled to in a TD termination payment. He said: 'There has to be a paper trail.' Ms Wynne said: 'I got two payments in one lump in a termination payment and I paid €5,000 [to Ms Smyth] from that.' Asked how much she received in her TD termination payment, Ms Wynne said: 'I don't have the details to hand.' Last August, the WRC ordered Ms Wynne to pay the €11,500 after finding that she had unfairly dismissed Ms Smyth. Ms Wynne - who had received a TD's annual salary of €113,679 – lost her seat in Clare in the November general election, where she had stood as an independent candidate, receiving only 310 first preference votes. In the 2020 general election she had topped the poll as a Sinn Féin candidate. Judge Gabbett adjourned the case to September 19th.
