
Russia's summer offensive is ‘fizzling out'
Russia's summer offensive in Ukraine is faltering just weeks after it began, despite a record number of attacks across multiple fronts.
Data analysis by The Telegraph shows Moscow is on track to break its own record, which was set last month, for offensive operations in June. Yet the sheer volume of assaults has not translated into meaningful breakthroughs on the battlefield.
The offensive – launched in May but planned over the winter – stretches from the northern border regions of Sumy and Kharkiv to the front lines in Donetsk and Dnipropetrovsk, into which Russian forces are attempting to break for the first time.
Moscow spent the winter months building up manpower, refining tactics and improving the co-ordination of missile and drone strikes. At first, there were signs it was paying off.
In May, Russian forces advanced at the fastest pace seen since last November, gaining an average of 5.5 square miles a day – double the rate of April, according to DeepState, a Ukrainian open-source intelligence project that tracks territorial changes.
Steady gains were made in the Donetsk region, especially between Pokrovsk and Kostiantynivka, two of Moscow's key targets. But several weeks into the campaign, momentum is slipping.
'The capacity to start something new and distinct really isn't there for the Russians right now. The summer offensive is just going to be the continuation of what they've been doing in spring,' Angelica Evans, a Russia analyst at the Institute for the Study of War (ISW), told The Telegraph.
In Sumy, Russian forces appear to have stalled entirely. Having re-entered the region in January and intensified their push this spring, Moscow's troops have failed to make further gains. Instead, Ukraine has recaptured some territory.
Pavlo Narozhny, a Ukrainian military analyst from Sumy, told The Telegraph that Russia's main target in the region has been Yunakivka, which lies directly on the road that connects Russia to the centre of Sumy.
Should Russia manage to take the town, it would then move on to nearby villages on the edge of a large forest. This, Mr Narozhny said, would be a 'disaster' for Ukraine, adding: 'The forest leads right up to Sumy city, so if they manage to bring in artillery to Yunakivka and into the forest, they can reach Sumy city with artillery.'
Despite heavy fighting, Ukraine has managed to slow down Russia's advances in the region, according to the ISW, which said Russia was sending out thousands of poorly-trained soldiers to lead the advance – a pattern seen across the front line.
'The Russian offensive has broadly stalled … They have the advantage in manpower and drones but their infantry is very poorly trained, if at all,' a senior Ukrainian NCO, who is fighting in the Kupiansk direction in Donetsk, told The Telegraph.
The campaign in Sumy is part of a wider Russian effort to establish a buffer zone along the border, aimed at deterring Ukrainian drones and cross-border raids. Kyiv used the region as a launchpad for its 2024 incursion into Russia's neighbouring Kursk region.
Though the stated aim was to secure the border, Vladimir Putin hinted last week he may be aiming higher.
Ukraine's top general said on Thursday that Russian progress in Sumy had been stopped altogether.
'The Russian advance in the Sumy border zone has been stopped as of this week, and the front line has been stabilised,' said Oleksandr Syrsky.
Yet while Sumy is a symbolic and strategic target, it is only one part of the summer offensive. Ukrainian officials have said Russia is also trying to breach the border of the Dnipropetrovsk region and continue its push to secure the entire Donbas in the east.
'Russia has really been focused on what we call the Ukrainian fortress belt, which includes Kramatorsk, Kostiantynivka and Sloviansk,' said Ms Evans. 'But they haven't really shown since the first few months of the war to make very rapid and widespread advances they would need to take these cities.'
In Donetsk, if Russian forces were able to take Kostiantynivka, a critical Ukrainian logistics hub, it would then pave the way for attacks on Kramatorsk and Sloviansk, taking Putin one step closer to controlling the entire Donbas region.
But given the current pace of Russia's assault and the poor training of their men, this is unlikely.
'To take Kramatorsk they would need an additional 100,000 men,' the Ukrainian NCO said. 'They needed 40,000 to take Avdiivka, 70,000 to take Bakhmut, and that included some very well-trained and capable Wagner mercenaries.'
Indeed, despite an apparent manpower advantage of up to 20 to one in some sectors, Ukrainian troops defending Kostiantynivka have held their ground.
'Our task is to block their actions,' Captain Filatov told The New York Times, claiming up to 15 Russian assaults are taking place every week.
'The Russians are in a tricky position given the level of attrition they're taking,' said Nick Reynolds, a battlefield expert at the Royal United Services Institute.
'They've been unable to sustain that pressure, due to their stock of refurbishable weapons, specifically artillery and armoured vehicles.'
Troops have made some progress north of Toretsk, but urban fighting around the city has slowed the advance. In Pokrovsk, meanwhile, the tempo of attacks remains high but the results are inconclusive. On Thursday, more than a quarter of Ukraine's reported front-line battles took place around the city but no progress was made.
'The Russians haven't taken a city for sometime. They celebrate like Soviet-era wins over these small towns and villages, which don't have any real strategic value,' said Prof Michael Clarke, a security and defence analyst.
And with Russia attempting to open up new major fronts in Sumy and Kharkiv, while also trying to push into Dnipropetrovsk, 'any benefit they would have in Donetsk is lost because their forces are overstretched,' he added.
Spreading forces thin is a key aspect of Russia's approach, particularly as they fear the style of successful counter-offensives launched by Ukraine in 2022.
'The Russians are risk averse,' said Ms Evans, 'which whittles its way down from Putin.'
Stretching their forces around Ukraine also forms part of Russia's 'operational theory of victory' – to achieve the 'systematic collapse' of the Ukrainian army by imposing intense pressure, rather than pushing for a major breakthrough, said Mr Reynolds, adding: 'The Russian forces seem to have accepted that this is just the way that warfare is, even though it's not true.'
Despite a general lack of momentum, Russian forces this week have notched one notable success – the seizure of a valuable lithium deposit in western Donetsk. The mine, just outside Shevchenko village, was taken in recent days, according to geolocated footage.
Though only 100 acres in size, it is one of Ukraine's richest known lithium reserves. Its loss will be a blow to Kyiv's long-term development goals, especially as it courts Western investment in post-war reconstruction.
And while battlefield gains have been slow, Russia has launched a number of devastating attacks on civilians in recent weeks. At least nine people were killed in a Russian missile and drone attack in Kyiv on Monday, while 28 people were killed in a similarly devastating attack on June 17.
Meanwhile, Russia launched a deadly missile attack on Dnipro on Tuesday, killing at least 19 people and injuring 300 more, and on Saturday morning a married couple were killed and 17 other people injured in a strike on a residential building in Odesa.
Like Russia's tactical decision to spread its forces across Ukraine, rather than in one region, these attacks show that Russia's long-term aim is to take the whole country – not just the four regions it illegally annexed in 2022.
'We have seen a marked intensification of strikes since January 2025 and it's only got worse over the last six months. It's an effort to convince people to leave and to make it easier in the future to seize these cities,' said Ms Evans. 'What eventually we will see is a return to an acknowledgement to take all of Ukraine.'
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3 hours ago
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Recently, Russian casualties climbed through the one million mark after three and a half years of Putin's 'special military operation', originally expected to last three days. For an army of such size in manpower and equipment this seems a remarkable price to pay for less than a fifth of Ukrainian territory, fighting against an army which was minuscule in comparison on the day of the illegal invasion – 24 th Feb 22. What are the reasons for this ineptitude, and is this purely a problem of the modern Russian army – or a reflection of systemic failures across the centuries? A soldier and a historian will try to answer these questions today. When it comes down to it, the Russian military has always relied on mass and brutality. It has aspired historically to ambitious intellectual underpinnings for its military power but this has tended to falter on first contact with reality. In the case of the Red Army of the 1920s and 30s, much radical military thinking was lost in Stalin's purges. The only army which gained any valuable insights into the future of war from the experimental exercises conducted in the USSR during that time was the Wehrmacht. Today in the 2020s, the much vaunted 'Gerasimov Doctrine' (aka 'hybrid warfare') failed when confronted with a citizen army determined to resist a war of unprovoked aggression waged against its independent sovereign state. Over the last week or two we've been reconsidering the nature of the Soviet victory in World War II, but also the nature of the fighting during that conflict and, more broadly, Russia's history of warfare since the turn of the twentieth century. It's fair to say, the Second World War aside, Russia's wars make for pretty sorry reading – if you're Russian. Russia suffered an ignominious defeat at the hands of Japan in 1905, one which in large part led to the 1905 Russian revolution. Imperial Russia's part in the subsequent First World War was a catastrophe which led to the loss of 5.5 million casualties, battlefield defeat and the overthrow of the Tsarist regime; the 1917 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk also saw Russia ceding large amounts of territory to Germany and its allies. There is a common theme here: the leadership seemingly unconcerned by huge casualties amongst the rank and file, and when you are not concerned with casualties the principles of war seem to go out of the window. Which leads to Ukraine. Despite having one of the largest militaries in the world, and despite the assumption that Ukraine could be overrun in a matter of days, over three years on Russian forces have taken barely 20 per cent of the country, Russia has been invaded in turn and losses have included not only the one million casualties – including over 500,000 dead – but more than 10,000 tanks, 21,500 armoured fighting vehicles, 41,000 other vehicles, 24,500 artillery pieces and 370 aircraft including a fair wedge of the strategic nuclear bomber fleet. To put this in some perspective, 10,000 tank losses is a figure greater than the most heavily produced German tank of the entire Second World War. Clearly, the key feature of almost all these wars is barely comprehensible levels of casualties. Anyone reading this catalogue of death and destruction – with the accompanying high proportion of defeats – could be forgiven for thinking that Russia is simply not very good at fighting wars. And bluntly, they'd be right. While the Western Allies have very sensibly harnessed technology, global reach, mechanization and logistical deftness to limit the number of men risking their lives at the coal face of war, the Red Army continued its policy of barely imaginable profligacy. The Allies adopted a policy of 'steel not flesh' as far as they possibly could; the Soviet Union and now the Russian Federation, on the other hand, pursued steel in tandem with immense amounts of flesh and suffered terrible consequences. And this leads to the question of blood being spilled. It is absolutely the case that historically the Red Army lost considerably more lives than the Western Allies or even the Germans they were defeating, but this doesn't mean that the Red Army was taking on the greatest proportion of fighting. On the contrary, the Western Allies were fighting a truly global war on land, in the air and at sea, and overall taking on a far greater proportion of the Axis forces. Until the final months of the war against Japan, the Soviet Union was only fighting on the Eastern Front – and spectacularly inefficiently too. To be an effective fighting force able to manoeuvre and outpace the enemy you need to train and train hard. It takes over a year of individual and collective training to take a British tank regiment and weld it together with infantry, artillery and now drones and other things into a combined arms battle group which is able to deliver shock action against the enemy. New Russian conscripts are given just a few days training before being thrown into the meat grinder, and some cannot even clean their rifles. Even new tank crews are only afforded a few weeks training and no collective training with other tanks – let alone other arms. Hence the massive levels of attrition and the reason why watchers see so many tanks out of control with 'disco head' – where the commander becomes totally disorientated by all that is going on around him, typically a precursor to the tank's destruction. Russian military command structure tends to be rigid and heavily reliant on blind obedience. This has to be enforced by draconian discipline and tends to see senior officers getting involved in low-level battle drills which would in the British army be managed by junior leaders. Initiative is not just discouraged, it is punished. Routine use is made of brutal methods reminiscent of the 19th century and WWI - 'shtrafbatty' and 'zagranotryady'. This means junior officers and non-commissioned officers (equivalent to sergeants and warrant officers in our army) following up behind assault units to shoot would-be stragglers and deserters. The training culture is equally brutal, with 'dedovshchina' (the western equivalent term 'hazing' or just plain bullying doesn't even begin to capture the savagery of this) an intrinsic element of the system. The hatred this engenders between senior and junior Russian soldiers is intense. It should come as no great surprise that war crimes are so prevalent wherever the Russian army sets foot. Corruption is endemic and rampant even in peacetime. Petrol, ammunition, rations, weapons, uniforms and even armoured vehicles are sold off. Soldiers are used by officers (and the state) as slave labour – to build officers' private dachas or to bring in the harvest, just as they did in Tsarist and Soviet times. We have, in recent decades, been too respectful of the Red Army and its modern successor. The Russian victory in the Second World War was complete but it should not have been so expensive in lives. The Red Army was very much the product of the nation it was created to defend: one that was cruel and corrupt, and which cared not a jot for the lives of the men – and women – being flung into the fire. It was for the most part sickeningly incompetent, just as it still is to this day. Putin, so devoted to the legacy of the Great Patriotic War, has learned nothing. James Holland is a historian and founder of the Chalk History Festival. Colonel Hamish de Bretton Gordon served in the Royal Tank Regiment