logo
How Russia is bringing a tiny neighbour to heel without waging war

How Russia is bringing a tiny neighbour to heel without waging war

Zurab Japaridze has chosen to spend his last night as a free man standing outside an institution he loathes.
The Georgian opposition politician has joined a throng of demonstrators in front of the country's parliament.
Many are masked, trying to avoid the gaze of dozens of facial-recognition cameras. If identified, they're often fined more than $2,500 each.
Donning only a baseball cap, a fine is the least of Zurab's worries — tomorrow, he's likely going to jail.
"I had a feeling that sooner or later … they will start arresting politicians," says the 49-year-old father of three.
The "they" he's referring to are the increasingly authoritarian Georgian Dream party, which won office last year in an election marred with allegations of vote rigging and intimidation.
Until recently, Georgia, a former Soviet republic, had been a darling of Europe on a fast track to EU membership.
Now it has passed a raft of draconian laws, pulled out of EU talks and started jailing dissenters.
Zurab believes he knows exactly what is behind the abrupt volte-face.
"It's Russia," he says. "It's Russia's playbook."
Sandwiched between Europe and Asia on the edge of the Black Sea, Georgia has long had its fate determined by geography, sharing its northern border with Russia.
After the fall of the Soviet Union, it gained independence only to be invaded by Russia in 2008.
Moscow now controls 20 per cent of Georgian territory in the regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
But it's not just geography and history that connect Georgia to Moscow.
The man behind the ruling Georgian Dream party is a billionaire oligarch named Bidzina Ivanishvili, who made his money in Russia by initially trading in electronics before moving into banking and metals processing.
He's notoriously reclusive, owning a glass castle overlooking the capital Tbilisi and a private menagerie which allegedly once housed a kangaroo.
Ivanishvili founded the Georgian Dream party on a pro-EU platform, but in 2022, when Russia invaded Ukraine, he turned on the EU and the West.
He and his party started touting a conspiracy theory accusing a faceless so-called "Global War Party" of trying to push Georgia into a war with Russia, too.
Georgian Dream has since refused to sanction Moscow over its Ukraine invasion and has passed a raft of draconian laws, some mimicking those in Russia.
One is an anti-LGBTQ law that, among other things, prevents queer people from being portrayed in the media.
Another is a foreign agents law that targets NGOs, the media and civil society organisations.
Last December the US sanctioned Ivanishvili "for undermining the democratic and Euro-Atlantic future of Georgia for the benefit of the Russian Federation".
Georgian Dream rejects all allegations that it's acting on behalf of Russia.
"This question is not a serious one, it's part of a kind of propaganda," Georgian Dream MP Tea Tsulukiani tells Foreign Correspondent.
But another senior political figure deeply disagrees.
Salome Zourabichvili, Georgia's last popularly elected president, was head of state for six years until Georgian Dream replaced her with a far-right ally after the disputed election last October.
But she has refused to step aside.
She believes Russia has realised previous military interventions — like in Ukraine and Georgia — have not been successful at taking over a country, so it's trying something new.
"They are experimenting [with] a new strategy, hybrid strategy … to control the country … through manipulation of elections, through propaganda through a proxy government," she says.
"If it works here to the end, if it's completely successful, it can be applied anywhere."
Georgian Dream's critics often compare Georgia's current trajectory to that of Belarus, a former Soviet republic led by a dictator who has become so close to Russia it let Moscow stage troops there for the invasion of Ukraine.
"We see the same potentially happening here in Georgia," says Jelle Postma, a former Dutch intelligence officer and founder of the NGO Justice for Prosperity, an organisation he describes as "an intelligence service for good".
"But they learned how to do it with Belarus, so the pace will be much faster here in Georgia and this will have a destabilising effect in the region," he says.
What is happening in Georgia should alarm the entire Western world, says Jelle Postma.
He and his team have spent years investigating how Russia has honed a playbook, which involves exploiting "family values" to influence societies, and ultimately benefit Moscow.
"What we see in Georgia is what you could say [is] a laboratory of hate," he says.
In the case of Georgia, to justify its pivot away from Europe, he says progressive, European values needed to be attacked.
"If you want more power as a government, and to be given that power, you need real fear, fear in the streets," he says.
"[A] fearmongering feeling and seeing riots — especially with some good photos in it — then you have your perfect playbook to get more votes and support to be allowed to become more dictatorial."
In Georgia that came in 2021 and 2023 when far-right thugs hunted down and attacked LGBT activists during Pride Month.
"Any group would do," says Jelle Postma, but "the LGBTQ community was the first" because they "are not well protected," he says. "There are only some NGOs who protect the LGBTQ community, which makes them just too easy of a target."
Georgian Dream has since targeted the LGBTQ community, journalists, NGOs and the opposition with restrictive laws that critics say crush dissent and are anti-democratic.
"It means that there's yet another confirmation that the playbook of hate works," he says.
"That means that with more confidence and with higher skill level, it will be rolled out even further in Africa, in the Asia Pacific, in Latin America, even in the United States."
As the sun sets behind the Tbilisi City Court, Zurab Japaridze ducks out for a quick smoke.
His hearing has been going on for hours and it's not going well.
"Whatever appeals we had, the judge said 'no' on every single [one] of them," he says, surrounded by reporters. "Whatever appeals the prosecutor's office had [the judge] just approves everything."
There is a widespread belief that the judiciary in Georgia has been captured by Georgian Dream.
A number of judges have been sanctioned by the UK and US.
"This is what was expected," says Zurab.
His wife Nata Koridze has been by his side all day.
"I'm so proud of him," she says. "He's definitely a man of principles and that's what I love about him, but it makes it very difficult to live in this country."
At nearly 6pm, the judge hands down his decision — Zurab is going into pre-trial detention.
He is handcuffed and led to the cells.
He's eventually sentenced to seven months in jail, the first of eight opposition figures to be jailed in the space of two weeks.
He's barred from holding elected office for two years.
In a letter written from prison, blue pen filling up every inch of an A4 piece of paper, Zurab has pleaded for European leaders to help Georgia.
"The repression aims to crush resistance," he writes, "but it has only hardened our resolve."
"Whether behind bars, or in the streets, we will not stop. No matter the cost we will continue on our own fight for freedom and democracy and we know that in the end, liberty will prevail."
Watch Foreign Correspondent tonight at 8pm on ABC TV and ABC iview.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Mao and Stalin — did they lead the way for tyrannical leaders like Trump?
Mao and Stalin — did they lead the way for tyrannical leaders like Trump?

ABC News

timean hour ago

  • ABC News

Mao and Stalin — did they lead the way for tyrannical leaders like Trump?

Books on tyrants, dictators, and authoritarian leaders are suddenly bestsellers again as we all try to make sense of the tilt towards tyrannical leadership around the world, the mass compliance it commands, and its use of terror, fear, and often violence, to govern. Two of Australia's leading scholars on China and the Soviet Union, Linda Jaivin (author of BOMBARD THE HEADQUARTERS! The Cultural Revolution in China) and Sheila Fitzpatrick (author of The Death of Stalin) join Big Ideas host Natasha Mitchell to consider two 20th Century tyrants whose legacies live on today. Speakers Linda Jaivin Author and China specialist Associate, Australian Centre on China in the World, Australian National University Professor Sheila Fitzpatrick Historian of modern Russia and the Soviet Union Professor, Australian Catholic University and Honorary Professor, University of Sydney This event was presented by Readings Books with Black Inc Books, with thanks to events producer Christine Gordon.

Thousands protest legislation that weakens anti-corruption agencies in Ukraine
Thousands protest legislation that weakens anti-corruption agencies in Ukraine

ABC News

time5 hours ago

  • ABC News

Thousands protest legislation that weakens anti-corruption agencies in Ukraine

Thousands of people gathered in Kyiv and other cities across Ukraine to urge President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to veto a controversial bill that threatens anti-corruption infrastructure. It marked the largest public protests against the government in more than three years of war. Many protesters carried signs reading "Veto the law", "Protect the anti-corruption system, protect Ukraine's future", or simply "We are against it". On Tuesday, Ukraine's parliament passed legislation that will tighten oversight of two key anti-corruption agencies, which critics say could significantly weaken their independence and autonomy and give Mr Zelenskyy's circle more control over investigations. The changes would grant the prosecutor general new authority over investigations and cases handled by the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO). "In effect, if this bill becomes law, the head of SAPO will become a nominal figure, while NABU will lose its independence and turn into a subdivision of the prosecutor general's office," the agencies said in a joint statement on Telegram. The legislation's passage triggered public outrage in Ukraine, with some saying it appeared to be a greater moral blow than the routine Russian drone and missile attacks. Some protesters accused Ukraine's leadership of prioritising loyalty and personal connections over the fight against corruption. "Those who swore to protect the laws and the Constitution have instead chosen to shield their inner circle, even at the expense of Ukrainian democracy," said veteran Oleh Symoroz, sitting in a wheelchair because both his legs were amputated after he was wounded in 2022. "Instead of setting an example of zero tolerance for corruption, the president is using his power to take control of criminal cases involving his allies," he said. The legislation has also drawn sharp criticism from the heads of both agencies and a top EU official. Fighting entrenched corruption is crucial for Ukraine's bid to join the European Union and maintain access to billions of dollars in Western aid. In a post on X, the EU's Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos expressed concern over the vote in the parliament, called the Rada, calling it "a serious step back". "Independent bodies like NABU & SAPO are essential for Ukraine's EU path. Rule of Law remains in the very center of EU accession negotiations," Ms Kos added. The Ukrainian branch of Transparency International criticised parliament's decision, saying it undermines one of the most significant reforms since what Ukraine calls its Revolution of Dignity in 2014 and damages trust with international partners. The group urged Mr Zelenskyy to veto the law, warning that otherwise he would share responsibility with the Rada for "dismantling Ukraine's anti-corruption infrastructure". On Monday, Ukraine's domestic security agency detained two NABU officials on suspicion of links to Russia and searched other agency employees on unrelated allegations. Last week, Mr Zelenskyy reshuffled his wartime cabinet in a move widely seen as centralising power within his inner circle. AP

What to expect from Russia and Ukraine's third round of peace talks
What to expect from Russia and Ukraine's third round of peace talks

SBS Australia

time9 hours ago

  • SBS Australia

What to expect from Russia and Ukraine's third round of peace talks

Ukraine wants the return of prisoners of war and "children abducted by Russia", while the Kremlin said it will "pursue our interests" as peace talks between the two nations are set to begin on Wednesday. Two previous ceasefire negotiations have led to the exchange of thousands of prisoners of war and the remains of dead soldiers. There is now renewed pressure to end the war. What do we know about the ceasefire talks? Russia and Ukraine will meet in Istanbul for the latest ceasefire talks, which will take place at the same venue where previous negotiations in May and June failed to yield a ceasefire, the Agence France-Presse news agency reported. The Istanbul talks could focus on further prisoner exchanges and a possible meeting between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Russian President Vladimir Putin, a senior Ukrainian official told AFP. Russia, however, has signalled that a meaningful breakthrough isn't expected anytime soon. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov told reporters earlier this week the two sides have "diametrically opposed" positions on how to end the war in Ukraine. One of the main sticking points at previous meetings has been over territory, as Russia has seized swathes of Ukrainian land since its invasion began three years ago. Ukraine continues to seek the return of the occupied territories, but Russia has shown no intent to retreat. "There is no reason to expect any breakthroughs in the category of miracles — it is hardly possible in the current situation," Peskov said. "We intend to pursue our interests, we intend to ensure our interests and fulfil the tasks that we set for ourselves from the very beginning." Asked if he could provide a sense of how the Kremlin viewed the potential timeframe for a possible peace agreement, Peskov said he could offer no guidance on timing. "There is a lot of work to be done before we can talk about the possibility of some top-level meetings," he said. Zelenskyy outlined what he is seeking in the negotiations. "The agenda from our side is clear: the return of prisoners of war, the return of children abducted by Russia, and the preparation of a leaders' meeting," he said. What happened last time? At the time, Russia told Ukraine it would only agree to end the war if Ukraine gave up big new chunks of territory and accepted limits on the size of its army, according to a memorandum reported by Russian media. The Russian memorandum, which was published by the Interfax news agency, said a settlement of the war would require international recognition of Crimea — a peninsula annexed by Russia in 2014 — and four other regions of Ukraine that Russia has claimed as its own territory. Ukraine would have to withdraw its forces from all of them. Peskov suggested Russia still holds this view. "There is our draft memorandum; there is a draft memorandum that has been handed over by the Ukrainian side. There is to be an exchange of views and talks on these two drafts, which are diametrically opposed so far," he said. Ukraine has repeatedly rejected the Russian conditions as tantamount to surrender. — Additional reporting by the Reuters news agency

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store