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Mao and Stalin — did they lead the way for tyrannical leaders like Trump?
Mao and Stalin — did they lead the way for tyrannical leaders like Trump?

ABC News

time2 days ago

  • Politics
  • ABC News

Mao and Stalin — did they lead the way for tyrannical leaders like Trump?

Books on tyrants, dictators, and authoritarian leaders are suddenly bestsellers again as we all try to make sense of the tilt towards tyrannical leadership around the world, the mass compliance it commands, and its use of terror, fear, and often violence, to govern. Two of Australia's leading scholars on China and the Soviet Union, Linda Jaivin (author of BOMBARD THE HEADQUARTERS! The Cultural Revolution in China) and Sheila Fitzpatrick (author of The Death of Stalin) join Big Ideas host Natasha Mitchell to consider two 20th Century tyrants whose legacies live on today. Speakers Linda Jaivin Author and China specialist Associate, Australian Centre on China in the World, Australian National University Professor Sheila Fitzpatrick Historian of modern Russia and the Soviet Union Professor, Australian Catholic University and Honorary Professor, University of Sydney This event was presented by Readings Books with Black Inc Books, with thanks to events producer Christine Gordon.

How Russia is bringing a tiny neighbour to heel without waging war
How Russia is bringing a tiny neighbour to heel without waging war

ABC News

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • ABC News

How Russia is bringing a tiny neighbour to heel without waging war

Zurab Japaridze has chosen to spend his last night as a free man standing outside an institution he loathes. The Georgian opposition politician has joined a throng of demonstrators in front of the country's parliament. Many are masked, trying to avoid the gaze of dozens of facial-recognition cameras. If identified, they're often fined more than $2,500 each. Donning only a baseball cap, a fine is the least of Zurab's worries — tomorrow, he's likely going to jail. "I had a feeling that sooner or later … they will start arresting politicians," says the 49-year-old father of three. The "they" he's referring to are the increasingly authoritarian Georgian Dream party, which won office last year in an election marred with allegations of vote rigging and intimidation. Until recently, Georgia, a former Soviet republic, had been a darling of Europe on a fast track to EU membership. Now it has passed a raft of draconian laws, pulled out of EU talks and started jailing dissenters. Zurab believes he knows exactly what is behind the abrupt volte-face. "It's Russia," he says. "It's Russia's playbook." Sandwiched between Europe and Asia on the edge of the Black Sea, Georgia has long had its fate determined by geography, sharing its northern border with Russia. After the fall of the Soviet Union, it gained independence only to be invaded by Russia in 2008. Moscow now controls 20 per cent of Georgian territory in the regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. But it's not just geography and history that connect Georgia to Moscow. The man behind the ruling Georgian Dream party is a billionaire oligarch named Bidzina Ivanishvili, who made his money in Russia by initially trading in electronics before moving into banking and metals processing. He's notoriously reclusive, owning a glass castle overlooking the capital Tbilisi and a private menagerie which allegedly once housed a kangaroo. Ivanishvili founded the Georgian Dream party on a pro-EU platform, but in 2022, when Russia invaded Ukraine, he turned on the EU and the West. He and his party started touting a conspiracy theory accusing a faceless so-called "Global War Party" of trying to push Georgia into a war with Russia, too. Georgian Dream has since refused to sanction Moscow over its Ukraine invasion and has passed a raft of draconian laws, some mimicking those in Russia. One is an anti-LGBTQ law that, among other things, prevents queer people from being portrayed in the media. Another is a foreign agents law that targets NGOs, the media and civil society organisations. Last December the US sanctioned Ivanishvili "for undermining the democratic and Euro-Atlantic future of Georgia for the benefit of the Russian Federation". Georgian Dream rejects all allegations that it's acting on behalf of Russia. "This question is not a serious one, it's part of a kind of propaganda," Georgian Dream MP Tea Tsulukiani tells Foreign Correspondent. But another senior political figure deeply disagrees. Salome Zourabichvili, Georgia's last popularly elected president, was head of state for six years until Georgian Dream replaced her with a far-right ally after the disputed election last October. But she has refused to step aside. She believes Russia has realised previous military interventions — like in Ukraine and Georgia — have not been successful at taking over a country, so it's trying something new. "They are experimenting [with] a new strategy, hybrid strategy … to control the country … through manipulation of elections, through propaganda through a proxy government," she says. "If it works here to the end, if it's completely successful, it can be applied anywhere." Georgian Dream's critics often compare Georgia's current trajectory to that of Belarus, a former Soviet republic led by a dictator who has become so close to Russia it let Moscow stage troops there for the invasion of Ukraine. "We see the same potentially happening here in Georgia," says Jelle Postma, a former Dutch intelligence officer and founder of the NGO Justice for Prosperity, an organisation he describes as "an intelligence service for good". "But they learned how to do it with Belarus, so the pace will be much faster here in Georgia and this will have a destabilising effect in the region," he says. What is happening in Georgia should alarm the entire Western world, says Jelle Postma. He and his team have spent years investigating how Russia has honed a playbook, which involves exploiting "family values" to influence societies, and ultimately benefit Moscow. "What we see in Georgia is what you could say [is] a laboratory of hate," he says. In the case of Georgia, to justify its pivot away from Europe, he says progressive, European values needed to be attacked. "If you want more power as a government, and to be given that power, you need real fear, fear in the streets," he says. "[A] fearmongering feeling and seeing riots — especially with some good photos in it — then you have your perfect playbook to get more votes and support to be allowed to become more dictatorial." In Georgia that came in 2021 and 2023 when far-right thugs hunted down and attacked LGBT activists during Pride Month. "Any group would do," says Jelle Postma, but "the LGBTQ community was the first" because they "are not well protected," he says. "There are only some NGOs who protect the LGBTQ community, which makes them just too easy of a target." Georgian Dream has since targeted the LGBTQ community, journalists, NGOs and the opposition with restrictive laws that critics say crush dissent and are anti-democratic. "It means that there's yet another confirmation that the playbook of hate works," he says. "That means that with more confidence and with higher skill level, it will be rolled out even further in Africa, in the Asia Pacific, in Latin America, even in the United States." As the sun sets behind the Tbilisi City Court, Zurab Japaridze ducks out for a quick smoke. His hearing has been going on for hours and it's not going well. "Whatever appeals we had, the judge said 'no' on every single [one] of them," he says, surrounded by reporters. "Whatever appeals the prosecutor's office had [the judge] just approves everything." There is a widespread belief that the judiciary in Georgia has been captured by Georgian Dream. A number of judges have been sanctioned by the UK and US. "This is what was expected," says Zurab. His wife Nata Koridze has been by his side all day. "I'm so proud of him," she says. "He's definitely a man of principles and that's what I love about him, but it makes it very difficult to live in this country." At nearly 6pm, the judge hands down his decision — Zurab is going into pre-trial detention. He is handcuffed and led to the cells. He's eventually sentenced to seven months in jail, the first of eight opposition figures to be jailed in the space of two weeks. He's barred from holding elected office for two years. In a letter written from prison, blue pen filling up every inch of an A4 piece of paper, Zurab has pleaded for European leaders to help Georgia. "The repression aims to crush resistance," he writes, "but it has only hardened our resolve." "Whether behind bars, or in the streets, we will not stop. No matter the cost we will continue on our own fight for freedom and democracy and we know that in the end, liberty will prevail." Watch Foreign Correspondent tonight at 8pm on ABC TV and ABC iview.

The Guardian view on Europe's failing economic orthodoxy: social contracts cannot be renewed through cuts
The Guardian view on Europe's failing economic orthodoxy: social contracts cannot be renewed through cuts

The Guardian

time5 days ago

  • Business
  • The Guardian

The Guardian view on Europe's failing economic orthodoxy: social contracts cannot be renewed through cuts

As European politicians begin to pack their suitcases and head to the beach, they do so against a domestic backdrop that begins to look distinctly ominous. In Britain and France, nationalist populist parties consistently lead in the polls. In Germany, the particularly extreme Alternative für Deutschland is neck and neck with the conservative CDU. Specific dynamics might vary but the unsettling pattern is the same – large swaths of voters increasingly identify with authoritarian and often xenophobic political forces. Prolonged post-industrial malaise, wage stagnation and austerity have precipitated this wave of disaffection with the mainstream, especially among the less well-off. Yet in London, Paris and Berlin, governments of the centre-left and centre-right seem intent on alienating disillusioned electorates still further. During his visit to London last week, the German chancellor, Friedrich Merz, heralded a new strategic partnership for changed times between Germany, Britain and France. But a much-needed economic reset, which dismantles failed fiscal orthodoxies, seems as far away as ever. The fallout from Sir Keir Starmer's failed and misguided attempt to target disabled benefit recipients, in order to stay within arbitrary financial rules, will haunt Labour's summer. Last week, it was the turn of the centre-right French prime minister, François Bayrou, to sing from the same unpopular hymn sheet. Presenting his government's provisional budget plans for 2026, Mr Bayrou proposed a real-terms cut in all spending areas bar defence. He also advocated the freezing of tax thresholds, pensions and benefits, deep cuts to the welfare budget and the abolition of two national holidays. Mr Merz is similarly intent on an overhaul of welfare benefits, including cuts to rent subsidies and harsher sanctions for the long-term unemployed. The accompanying rhetoric, in each case, has called for collective sacrifice to the common good. Sir Keir and his chancellor, Rachel Reeves, speak of tough choices and trade-offs. Mr Bayrou last week instructed French voters that 'everyone must participate in the effort' to reduce public debt, while refusing to countenance proposals for a 2% tax on very wealthy individuals. Mr Merz routinely lectures Germans on the need to work more. It won't wash. The legacy of the pandemic, the cost of keeping ageing populations healthy and the moral imperative of the green transition undoubtedly represent huge challenges. Donald Trump's trade wars may become another serious headwind to face. But large numbers of voters in western liberal democracies are no longer listening to arguments that claim 'we are all in it together' – and with good reason. According to a recent survey by a French business magazine, between 2010 and 2025 the collective wealth of France's super-rich grew from €200bn to €1.2tn – a 500% increase. Inherited wealth has more or less doubled as a proportion of GDP in advanced economies since the middle of the last century. Despite this massive upwards redistribution of rewards in western liberal democracies in past decades, mainstream parties are continuing to seek to balance the books by inflicting economic pain on vulnerable people and those just about getting by. A paradigm shift is urgently needed. Mr Merz rightly insisted in London that a different European approach was required to cope with a new and threatening era. That goes for the economy as well as defence and foreign policy. Shredded social contracts will not be renewed by bearing down on those already struggling, as the far right surges.

Rap, memes, graffiti: Bangladesh's new political tools, a year after Hasina
Rap, memes, graffiti: Bangladesh's new political tools, a year after Hasina

Al Jazeera

time11-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Al Jazeera

Rap, memes, graffiti: Bangladesh's new political tools, a year after Hasina

Dhaka, Bangladesh — On July 16, 2024, as security forces launched a brutal crackdown on student protesters campaigning against then-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's increasingly authoritarian government, Bangladeshi rapper Muhammad Shezan released a song. Titled Kotha Ko (speak up in Bangla), the song asked: 'The country says it's free, then where's your roar?' It was the day that Abu Sayed, a protester, was killed, becoming the face of the campaign to depose Hasina after 15 years in power. Sayed's death fuelled the public anger that led to intensified protests. And Shezan's Kotha Ko, along with a song by another rapper, Hannan Hossain Shimul, became anthems for that movement, culminating in Hasina fleeing Bangladesh for India in August. Fast forward a year, and Shezan recently released another hit rap track. In Huddai Hutashe, he raps about how 'thieves' are being garlanded with flowers – a reference, he said, to unqualified individuals seizing important positions in post-Hasina Bangladesh. As the country marks the anniversary of the uprising against Hasina, protest tools that played a key role in galvanising support against the former leader have become part of mainstream Bangladeshi politics. Rap, social media memes and graffiti are now also a part of the arsenal of young Bangladeshis looking to hold their new rulers accountable, just as they once helped uproot Hasina. 'Do less drama, dear' As mob violence surged in Bangladesh last autumn in the aftermath of Hasina's ouster, a Facebook meme went viral. It showed the familiar red and green seal of the Bangladesh government. But instead of the golden map of the nation inside the red circle, it depicted stick-wielding men beating a fallen victim. The text around the emblem had been tweaked – in Bangla, it no longer read 'People's Republic of Bangladesh Government,' but 'Mob's Republic of Bangladesh Government'. The satire was biting and pointed, revealing an uncomfortable side of post-Hasina Bangladesh. 'It was out of this frustration that I created the illustration, as a critique on the 'rule of mobs' and the government's apparent inaction,' said Imran Hossain, a journalist and activist who created the meme. 'Many people shared it on social media, and some even used it as their profile picture as a quiet form of protest.' After the student-led revolution, the newly appointed interim government under Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus embarked on a sweeping reform agenda – covering the constitution, elections, judiciary and police. But mob violence emerged as a challenge that the government struggled to contain. This period saw mobs attacking Sufi shrines and Hindu minorities, storming women's football pitches, and even killing alleged drug dealers – many of these incidents filmed, shared and fiercely debated online. 'After the July uprising, some groups in Bangladesh – many of whom had been oppressed under the previous regime – suddenly found themselves with a lot of power. But instead of using that newfound power responsibly, some began taking the law into their own hands,' Hossain said. As with rap songs, such memes had also played a vital role in capturing the public mood during the anti-Hasina protests. After security officials killed hundreds of protesters on July 18 and 19, Sheikh Hasina was seen crying over damage to a metro station allegedly caused by demonstrators. That moment fuelled a wave of memes. One viral meme said 'Natok Kom Koro Prio' (Do less drama, dear), and was viral throughout the latter half of July. It mocked Hasina's sentimental display – whether over the damaged metro station or her claim to 'understand the pain of losing loved ones' after law enforcement agencies had killed hundreds. Until then, ridiculing Sheikh Hasina had been a 'difficult' act, said Punny Kabir, a prominent social media activist known for her witty political memes over the years, and a PhD student at the University of Cologne. While newspaper cartoonists previously used to lampoon political leaders, that stopped during Hasina's rule since 2009, which was marked by arrests of critics and forced disappearances, she said. 'To face off an authoritarian regime, it's [ridiculing] an important and powerful tool to overcome fear and surveillance,' Kabir said. 'We made it possible, and it broke the fear.' 'If you resist, you are Bangladesh' As fear of Sheikh Hasina faded from social media, more people found their voice – a reflection that soon spread onto the streets. Thousands of walls were covered with paintings, graffiti, and slogans of courage such as 'Killer Hasina', 'Stop Genocide' and 'Time's Up Hasina'. 'These artworks played a big role in the protests,' said political analyst and researcher Altaf Parvez. 'Slogans like 'If you are scared, you're finished; but if you resist, you are Bangladesh' – one slogan can make all the difference, and that's exactly what happened. 'People were searching for something courageous. When someone created something that defied fear – creative slogans, graffiti, cartoons – these became sources of inspiration, spreading like wildfire. People found their voice through them,' he added. That voice did not go silent with Hasina's departure. Today, memes targeting various political parties, not just the government, are widespread. One of Imran's works uses a Simpsons cartoon to illustrate how sycophants used to eulogise Hasina's family for its role in Bangladesh's 1971 liberation war when she was in power. Now, the cartoon points out, loyalists of the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)'s leader Khaleda Zia and her son Tarique Rahman are trying to flatter their family for their contribution to the country's independence movement. Hasina's father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, led the freedom struggle, while Zia's husband Ziaur Rahman was a senior army officer who announced the country's independence on March 27, 1971. Another meme from a popular Gen-Z Facebook page called WittiGenZ recently highlighted allegations of sexual misconduct by a leader of the National Citizen Party (NCP) – a party formed by Bangladesh's students. What comes next for political art in Bangladesh? Political analysts in Bangladesh believe the tools that contributed to toppling Sheikh Hasina will continue to be relevant in the country's future. 'Memes and photo cards in Bangladesh essentially do what X does in the West. They provide the most effective short-form political commentary to maximise virality,' said US-based Bangladeshi geopolitical columnist Shafquat Rabbee. Bangladesh's central bank unveiled new banknote designs inspired by the graffiti created by students during last July's monsoon uprising, a nod to the art form's widespread popularity as a means of political communication. And rap, Rabbee said, found a natural entry in Bangladeshi politics in 2024. In Bangladesh's context, back in July 2024, political street fighting became a dominant and fitting instrument of protest against Hasina's repressive forces, he said. The artists behind the songs say they never expected their work to echo across Bangladesh. 'I wrote these lyrics myself,' Shezan said, about Kotha Ko. 'I didn't think about how people would respond – we simply acted out of a sense of responsibility to what was happening.' As with Shezan's song, fellow rapper Hannan's Awaaz Utha also went viral online, especially on Facebook, the same day – July 18 – that it was released. 'You hit one, 10 more will come back,' a line said. As Hasina found it, they did. The rappers themselves also joined the protests. Hannan was arrested a week after his song's release and was only freed after Hasina resigned and fled to India. But now, said Shezan, rap was there to stay in Bangladesh's public life, from advertising jingles to lifestyle. 'Many people are consciously or subconsciously embracing hip-hop culture,' he said. 'The future of rap is bright.'

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