
An honour for Kerala too, says Sadanandan
Mr. Sadanandan told mediapersons in Kannur on Sunday that the proposal was part of the BJP's efforts to implement its slogan of a 'developed Kerala'. 'The party has high hopes for Kerala. This proposal is a step towards fulfilling those hopes,' he said, describing it as not only a personal honour but also a recognition for the State. He said the BJP Central leadership had always bestowed 'special attention' on Kerala regardless of its electoral success in the State.
Modi's call
Mr. Sadanandan said Prime Minister Narendra Modi had called him two days ago. 'He said the party would delegate me a task. I found out about it only this morning,' he added.
He said the BJP's Central approach was not hindered by electoral losses in Kerala. 'That is not seen as a big issue or obstacle. Policies are being formulated for Kerala's development,' he said.
Mr. Sadanandan, a native of Perincheri, was a teacher at Sree Durga Vilasam Higher Secondary School in Thrissur. He began his teaching career at Kuzhikkal Lower Primary School and was also as subeditor of Janmabhoomi and an announcer at All India Radio. His social engagements began at the age of 17 through Nehru Yuva Kendra and continued through organisations such as Bharatiya Vichara Kendra and Sri Parvathi Jana Seva Samithi. He also served as the State president of the Desiya Adhyapaka Parishad and Chief Editor of Desiya Adhyapaka Vartha for 15 years.
Double amputee
At the age of 30, Mr. Sadanandan underwent double amputation below the knees, following an attack allegedly perpetrated by CPI(M) workers in 1994. He continues to remain active in public life using prosthetic limbs.
Mr. Sadanandan's elevation to the Raja Sabha is seen within BJP circle as a strategic move to energise the party base in Kerala while honouring a lifetime of ideological commitment and public service.

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The Wire
31 minutes ago
- The Wire
The Future of Queer Rights in India and Why the Judiciary Must Play Catalyst
This is the full text of the speech delivered by Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul on Saturday, July 12, at the launch of a report and recommendations by the Keshav Suri Foundation and the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy titled 'Queering the Law: Beyond Supriyo' at The Lalit, Delhi. The document lists legal and policy solutions to help eliminate systemic discrimination, ensure recognition of queer relationships and families, and promote equal access to healthcare, safety education, and employment. The recommendations are based on legal research and community consultations across Delhi, Mumbai and Jaipur. § The Future of Queer Rights in India A very good evening to all gathered today! Mr Keshav Suri, Founder of the Keshav Suri Foundation (KSF), Dr. Jyotsna Suri, Chairperson and Managing Director, The Lalit Suri Hospitality Group, Senior Advocates Mr. Saurabh Kirpal, Ms. Menaka Guruswamy and Ms. Arundhati Katju, Dr. Arghya Sengupta and other members from the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy and other esteemed panellists. At the outset I extend my congratulations to the entire Vidhi team in coming out with the public policy brief on ' Queering the Law: Beyond Suprio' assiduously prepared jointly by Vidhi and Keshav Suri Foundation (KSF). Vidhi, of course, has been doing commendable work across topical issues and its detailed recommendations are invariably well received and acknowledged. The Future of Queer Rights, assumes even more significance, not only because of the recent pronouncement of the Supreme Court in Supriyo, but also because it really is an issue that must be discussed with legislative reforms at the heart of such discussion coupled with a need for advocating change in societal perception. As I had opined in Supriyo, our Constitution contemplates a holistic understanding of equality, which applies to all spheres of life. The practice of equality necessitates acceptance and protection of individual choices. This endeavour not only requires judicial interpretation of existing statutes but also an attempt on the part of the legislature to consolidate and make necessary amendments to laws that remain archaic and rooted in a biased assignment of rights. The future of Queer Rights in India, as the Supreme Court had opined in Supriyo requires action in the realm of the legislature and the executive with a co-ordinated effort across various ministries and department. This is so because redressal is to take place across various aspects. Amendment to only civil laws relating to marriage, parenthood and inheritance and making them more inclusive would in my view be only the first step albeit significant. What is required perhaps is also a legislation on civil union. Vidhi, last year, had published what I believe to be a more contemporary rendition of a comprehensive Family Code. This could definitely form the basis of a framework to aid public deliberations on family laws in India. Cue may also be taken by the legislature while framing laws relating to civil union from those already enacted in foreign jurisdictions. For instance, the UK Civil Partnership Act which defines and provides for registration of civil unions or the Australian Family Law Act which states that two persons are in a relationship, if they are not married, not related to each other by family but have been in a relation with each other on a domestic basis. Vidhi's recommendations to the Committee constituted following the decision in Supriyo extensively cover these facets. Protection must also be afforded to such unions which are not ultimately registered but a relationship exists between two persons which could characterised as a civil union. Yet another hurdle to be crossed and surely an important consideration for any couple, would be parent-child relations and the law on this subject. Presently, parent-child relations are determined under an array of statutes – CARA Regulations for adoptions, Guardianship and Wards Act, Juvenile Justice Act, Surrogacy Act. Unfortunately, these legislations deem couples to mean only heterosexual couples. Reformation, amendment or introduction of new legislation is warranted here too. Gender-based discrimination and even bias against single parents must be written out of the statutes. In fact, in Supriyo, the minority view had noted that CARA regulations to the extent that unmarried couples could not adopt a child would disproportionately effect non-heterosexual couples since the State had not conferred legal recognition to the union of queer couples. Both the minority and majority, however, recognised that this area of the law required state intervention. A closely connected aspect would also be whether extant provisions which do not accord legitimacy to children of married couples as opposed to unmarried couples which, of course, would include non-heterosexual couples. There is a need for reworking this statutory scheme and move in-step with societal reality of the 21st century. An almost existential difficulty faced by LGBTQIA persons is access to goods, financial services and access to public infrastructure. In this regard, in my opinion in Supriyo, I had underscored the need for an umbrella anti-discrimination law, noting that: "There are several laws that have an anti-discrimination aspect to them. However, they are fragmented and may fail to capture the multitudinous forms of discrimination. Another compelling reason for a law that places a horizontal duty of anti-discrimination is provided by the spirit of Article 15, which prohibits discrimination by both the State and private actors." Furthermore, while anti-discrimination law do exist, they require courts to be: "...'sentinel on the qui vive', the only method to enforce this Constitutional right under Article 15 would be through its writ jurisdiction. There are significant challenges for marginalized communities to access this remedy. Therefore, the proliferation of remedies through an anti-discrimination statute can be a fitting solution. Such legislation would also be in furtherance of the positive duty of the State to secure social order and to promote justice and social welfare under Article 38 of the Constitution." Anti-discrimination law is ever more crucial in today's age where access to capital is sine qua non for say starting a business, buying a house or even otherwise bridging personal needs is wholly dependent on factors such as ease of availing loans or finances, opening bank accounts. Undoubtedly, there are barriers to access for LGBTQIA persons to even something as routine as opening a bank account which requires one to carry a document which conforms to gender identity. There is also a more deep-rooted societal bias, which compound inaccessibility to the financial system which is normally available to cis-gender or heteronormative individuals. This is naturally a significant handicap to the LGBTQIA community. On the whole, In my view, the future beckons a sanguine and more inclusive reality which requires a more concerted effort not only on the part of the judiciary and legislature but also the more pressing and urgent need for societal reformation. Dishearteningly, there still persists a stigma and sense of rejection for LGBTQIA persons, in particular, non-binary and transgender individuals. There is also, a degree of legislative inertia on the rights and entitlements of queer persons which risks prolonging the legal limbo for same-sex couples seeking marriage, adoption, or inheritance rights. A conservative attitude still persists across a large populace of the country which hinders acceptance. The Supriyo judgment is a nuanced milestone in India's queer rights journey. It affirms cohabitation and non-discrimination rights for LGBTQ individuals but defers to parliamentary wisdom. The minority's push for civil unions offers a potential middle ground, while the court's directives for a government committee signal incremental progress a chasm is required to be crossed which would only be successful through tempered judicial intervention, legislative progress and most importantly growing societal awareness. I believe, we are on a path of progressive recognition of rights of LGBTQIA persons. The Supreme Court's pronouncement in National Legal Services Authority v. Union of India recognized transgender individuals' right to self-identify their gender. The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019 codifies identification of gender but has several lacunae to be filled by the legislature. Societal perception plays a key role. A 2019 Pew survey found 37% of Indians supported homosexuality, up from 15% in 2013. Urban areas and younger generations show greater openness, but rural and conservative communities often remain hostile. The judiciary must perform the role of a catalyst. India's legislative landscape for LGBTQIA recognition has evolved, but significant gaps persist. The term 'queer' is not defined in Indian law, and asexual individuals are invisible in policy frameworks. In February 2025, the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment introduced certain administrative measures for queer couples, including access to ration cards, joint bank accounts, and the right to claim a partner's body in case of death (if no next of kin exists). These measures, prompted by the Supreme Court's Judgement in Supriyo are a step forward but remain limited, as they are not enshrined in statute and do not address comprehensive rights. I truly believe that the future is more promising than what is behind us and in the words of Harvey Milk, the first openly gay man to be elected to public office in California, 'Hope will never be silent'. Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul retired as a Supreme Court judge in 2023.


India Today
39 minutes ago
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39 minutes ago
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