China's commitment, Pakistan's opportunity
This renewed emphasis on cooperation in agriculture, industry, and mining couldn't come at a better time. Each of these sectors holds transformative potential for Pakistan, and each has stagnated for reasons both structural and political. If China's technical expertise and capital — already well established through CPEC — can be channelled into these critical domains, the resulting multiplier effect could reshape not just trade flows, but Pakistan's growth trajectory itself.
That's not wishful thinking. China's record in capacity-building and infrastructure deployment across Asia and Africa is well-documented. Pakistan, for all its internal dysfunction, has been a standout recipient of Chinese commitment, economically, diplomatically, and militarily. Even in the recent war with India, when much of the world hedged or looked away, China stood firm in supporting Pakistan's strategic space. That solidarity matters. So does Beijing's unambiguous support for Pakistan's anti-terror operations, and its confidence in Islamabad's ability to protect Chinese projects and personnel on the ground.
Contrast this with the ambiguity in Pakistan's dealings with Washington. As the US increasingly views global affairs through a China-containment lens, bilateral engagement with Pakistan has become more transactional, more tactical. Islamabad can no longer afford to mistake occasional nods of approval from Washington as strategic depth. That's why Beijing's clarity, both in commitment and continuity, is invaluable.
Still, Pakistan has done well to avoid open alignment in the US-China binary. Even as its relationship with China has matured into a strategic cooperative partnership, Islamabad has resisted being boxed into an anti-West posture. That balancing act is rarely acknowledged, yet it remains one of the more underrated successes of Pakistan's foreign policy.
Now, with CPEC's next phase aiming at industrial cooperation and sustainable growth, this new push into agriculture and mining could expand the corridor into a truly multidimensional economic framework. Pakistan's agriculture sector, chronically underproductive and exposed to climate volatility, needs smart technology, irrigation infrastructure, and better logistics — all of which China can help deliver. Similarly, mining remains one of Pakistan's most underexploited sectors, despite rich deposits of copper, gold, and rare earths. If Beijing's entry can introduce efficiency, transparency, and export-scale production, it would be a rare and welcome inflection point.
There's of course the risk of overdependence — or worse, capture — that critics often cite when discussing China's international footprint. But that framing ignores two key facts: first, no major donor has come close to matching China's scale and consistency in Pakistan; and second, the success or failure of these ventures will ultimately depend on how Pakistani institutions govern them. Blaming China for local mis-governance is deflection, not diagnosis.
The priority now must be to convert this political goodwill into fast-tracked, bankable projects. Coordination mechanisms between Islamabad and Beijing already exist; they need to deliver. At the same time, messaging around this partnership must remain calibrated — not boastful, not paranoid. China does not ask for allegiance, only stability and execution. Pakistan would do well to reciprocate with seriousness, not slogans.
In a world of shifting alliances and unreliable allies, Pakistan's enduring partnership with China remains a strategic anchor. With the right policy focus, and a bit of administrative discipline, it could also be the engine that lifts Pakistan's economy into a higher orbit.
Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
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