U of W governance concerns cited
The board of regents — a group of appointees who are alumni, administrators and public representatives, among others, and in charge of policy making at U of W — approved a $175.5-million budget on June 24.
Domestic tuition is increasing by 3.5 per cent overall. International student rates are up seven per cent.
MIKAELA MACKENZIE / FREE PRESS FILES
The province has injected another $2.5 million at the University of Winnipeg to help boost the post-secondary institution's finances.
The new blueprint starts to phase out 'low rate' tuition labels for some courses that have not traditionally required extensive marking or equipment costs.
Former regent Cory Sul stepped down before those decisions were made. Sul submitted his resignation letter on June 13 to board chair Bruce Miller and Advanced Education Minister Renée Cable.
'Manitobans rightfully expect transparency, accountability, and proper governance of their public institutions,' he wrote in a statement to the Free Press on Wednesday.
Sul, a practising dentist, was appointed to the volunteer position by the provincial government in 2019.
Citing his role as a representative of public interest on the board, he said he took 'the responsible step' of notifying the province about his personal concerns.
'Serious concerns about governance at the University of Winnipeg have been repeatedly raised by multiple individuals and groups over the past couple of years,' he noted.
The university's faculty association penned an unusual letter to regents in July 2023 to express concern about an exodus of senior employees in a short timeframe and the subsequent loss of institutional knowledge.
Senior administration faced criticism in 2024-25 for failing to consult community members before cutting its women's soccer team, discontinuing its English language program and introducing a new campus access policy.
More recently, an employee at the U of W submitted a whistleblower report to the Manitoba ombudsman in April that called for a probe into institutional transparency and leadership decision-making.
Sul refused to share his resignation letter, saying it was intended only for Miller and Cable.
Miller declined to discuss the matter. He deferred comment to Caleb Zimmerman, executive director of communications at the post-secondary institute.
'Since the board of regents is an independent governing body, any further comment or discussion regarding its membership would rest with the board itself,' Zimmerman said in an email Wednesday.
Multiple current regents told the Free Press in separate interviews they've been hearing increasingly from community members who are frustrated by a perceived lack of transparency related to decision-making.
Two board members confirmed the group was not informed prior to senior administration announcing in January that it was scrapping soccer and the English language program.
President Todd Mondor has defended his leadership style, which he describes as transparent and collaborative, citing numerous town halls organized during his tenure.
Mondor hosted his latest such event on June 25 to share details about the 2025-26 budget.
He debriefed community members about the persistent financial challenges — which he has repeatedly attributed to a drop in international enrolment and what he maintains is an unfair provincial funding formula — during the event.
Attendees also learned about an eleventh-hour injection of $2.5 million in funding from the province.
A government spokesperson said the two parties have been working closely 'to understand student needs.'
The province has set aside extra funding this year to support them, the spokesperson said.
Provincial operating funding is increasing by five per cent in total, the equivalent of about $4 million, as per the U of W's budget news release.
Wednesdays
Columnist Jen Zoratti looks at what's next in arts, life and pop culture.
Faculty association president Peter Miller said his members were initially informed that U of W had to find $13.7 million in cost savings in the 2025-26 budget to get out of the red.
His top concerns? The fallout of increased vacancy management and the teaching assistant budget being frozen at last year's levels, despite the fact these employees recently negotiated higher salaries through their union.
'Effectively, we have fewer TA hours, so I'm hopeful that the $2.5 million goes right to the front line, the core mission of the university — i.e., let's support instructors and then let's hire contract staff when we need them,' the professor of classics said.
Zimmermand declined to share the U of W budget slide-show presentation Wednesday because the current version has yet to be updated to reflect the last-minute funding announcement from the province.
maggie.macintosh@freepress.mb.ca
Maggie MacintoshEducation reporter
Maggie Macintosh reports on education for the Free Press. Originally from Hamilton, Ont., she first reported for the Free Press in 2017. Read more about Maggie.
Funding for the Free Press education reporter comes from the Government of Canada through the Local Journalism Initiative.
Every piece of reporting Maggie produces is reviewed by an editing team before it is posted online or published in print — part of the Free Press's tradition, since 1872, of producing reliable independent journalism. Read more about Free Press's history and mandate, and learn how our newsroom operates.
Our newsroom depends on a growing audience of readers to power our journalism. If you are not a paid reader, please consider becoming a subscriber.
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Cision Canada
2 hours ago
- Cision Canada
Canada announces the grand opening of 69 homes in Winnipeg Français
WINNIPEG, MB, July 4, 2025 /CNW/ - Solving Canada's housing crisis requires immediate action to bring down costs. To provide Canadians with increased access to affordable and sustainable housing, the government today announced the grand opening of 380 Young Street, a previously announced combined investment of over $17 million for the construction of 69 housing units for Indigenous people, Indigenous students attending the University of Winnipeg, and those in need of affordable housing in Winnipeg, Manitoba. The announcement was made by The Honourable Rebecca Chartrand, Minister of Northern and Arctic Affairs, Minister responsible for the Canadian Northern Economic Development Agency, Member of Parliament for Churchill-Keewatinook Aski, alongside Chief Maureen Brown of the Opaskwayak Cree Nation. The property at 380 Young Street, a 69-unit apartment building owned by Opaskwayak Cree Nation (OCN), is located adjacent to the University of Winnipeg. Developed in partnership with Paragon Living, over 40 % of the rents at 380 Young are heavily discounted in order to address the significant shortage of affordable rental units in Winnipeg. Rents for these units start at $681 per month, including high speed internet and water. The building is fully leased, with 40% of tenants being First Nation members, who have either moved off reserve to attend the University of Winnipeg or are currently living in Winnipeg. Historically, the transition from moving off reserve to the city to attend university has been a challenging experience for many. A new apartment building located next to the University of Winnipeg, owned by OCN and having affordable rents will aim to ease that transition. As we build a strong Canadian housing sector, purposeful collaboration will be essential. That means working hand-in-hand with the non-profit sector to bring down costs and build homes at a scale and speed not seen since the Second World War. Quotes: "Our Government is investing in affordable housing here in Winnipeg and across Canada to help create jobs and improve the quality of life for those who need it most. With our partners, Opaskwayak Cree Nation, we are providing a helping hand for Indigenous people, Indigenous students attending the University of Winnipeg, and those in need of affordable housing and in doing so, we are contributing to the economic and social well-being of the entire community." – The Honourable Rebecca Chartrand, Minister of Northern and Arctic Affairs, Minister responsible for the Canadian Northern Economic Development Agency, Member of Parliament for Churchill-Keewatinook Aski on behalf of the Honourable Gregor Robertson, Minister of Housing and Infrastructure and Minister responsible for Pacific Economic Development Canada "First Nations must be at the heart of our country's economic development. True economic reconciliation means ensuring Indigenous communities lead and benefit from growth – not just as participants but as partners and decision makers. Projects like the new apartment development in Winnipeg demonstrates the power of inclusion. When we invest in Indigenous led projects, we are investing in sustainable growth for everyone." – Chief Maureen Brown of the Opaskwayak Cree Nation "We are incredibly proud to have partnered with Opaskwayak Cree Nation and CMHC to bring these new homes at 380 Young Street to Winnipeg. This project is a testament to our commitment to creating affordable, sustainable housing solutions that meet the needs of Indigenous people, students, and those in need of affordable housing. By providing high-quality, affordable living spaces, we hope to ease the transition for Indigenous students moving to the city and contribute to the overall well-being of the community." – Nigel Furgus, Paragon Living Quick Facts: The National Housing Strategy (NHS) is a 10+ year, $115+ billion plan to give more Canadians a place to call home. Progress on programs and initiatives are updated quarterly on the Housing, Infrastructure and Communities Canada (HICC) website. The Housing and Infrastructure Project Map shows affordable housing projects that have been developed. As of March 2025, the federal government has committed $65.84 billion to support the creation of over 166,000 units and the repair of over 322,000 units. These measures prioritize those in greatest need, including seniors, Indigenous Peoples, people experiencing or at risk of homelessness, and women and children fleeing violence The Affordable Housing Fund (AHF) provides funding through low-interest and/or forgivable loans or contributions to partnered organizations for new affordable housing and the renovation and repair of existing, affordable and community housing. This is a $14.6 billion program under the National Housing Strategy (NHS) that gives priority to projects that help people who need it most, including women and children fleeing family violence, seniors, Indigenous Peoples, people living with disabilities, those with mental health or addiction issues, Veterans, and young adults. As of March 2025, the Government of Canada has committed $11.99 billion to support the creation of over 46,000 units and the repair of over 174,000 units through the Affordable Housing Fund. Funding previously provided for 380 Young Street is as follows: $15.6 million from the federal government, through the National Housing Strategy's Affordable Housing Fund $1.8 million from the Opaskwayak Cree Nation in land and cash equity Additional Information: Visit for the most-requested Government of Canada housing information. CMHC plays a critical role as a national facilitator to promote stability and sustainability in Canada's housing finance system. Our mortgage insurance products support access to homeownership and the creation and maintenance of rental supply. We also actively support the Government of Canada in delivering on its commitment to make housing more affordable. Our research and data help inform housing policy. By facilitating cooperation between all levels of government, private and non-profit sectors, we contribute to advancing housing affordability, equity, and climate compatibility. Follow us on X, YouTube, LinkedIn, Facebook and Instagram.
Winnipeg Free Press
6 hours ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
Western alienation deeply rooted
A few years ago, as the COVID-19 pandemic peaked and patriotism grew divisive, it might have drawn more snark online: tens of thousands of Winnipeggers at The Forks for Canada Day, waving the Maple Leaf, scarfing beaver tails and belting out O Canada. But it's been year of whiplashes for a country known for its almost sleepy stability. A year of unravelling alliances, annexation talk and old-school protectionism in the political arena, and three-fights-in-nine-seconds in the more familiar one. Now, it's 'elbows up' and suddenly those red-and-white flags aren't so taboo. A Probe poll commissioned by the Free Press in June suggests feelings of Canadian patriotism, while ebbing a little since March, still run high. In the same poll, however, just 51 per cent of federal Conservative voters in Manitoba said they were more likely to mark Canada Day in a bigger way, while 67 per cent of federal Liberal voters and 57 per cent federal NDP voters expressed this sentiment. Meanwhile, just 29 per cent of federal Conservative voters in Manitoba said they felt prouder to be Canadian today than they did this time last year, while 86 per cent of federal Liberal voters and 78 per cent of federal NDP voters in the province expressed this sentiment. These findings, based on a random and representative sample of 1,000 Manitoba adults, were Canada Day firecrackers next to the real bombshell the poll dropped. It found that a majority of federal Tory (56 per cent) and provincial Progressive Conservative (52 per cent) supporters in Manitoba would likely vote to leave Canada. Overall, about one in four Manitobans share this feeling, though these views barely register among NDP and Liberal voters. The results spotlight a political rift that runs deeper than sharp policy differences. 'There's a pretty profound streak of alienation and discontent that runs through this,' Curtis Brown, principal at Probe Research, told the Free Press shortly before Canada Day. 'But, I mean, we've certainly been living through really strange and uncertain times in the last six months, and people's attitudes have shifted a lot. 'The existential moment seems to have passed in people's minds, the hardcore elbows-up sentiments, (there's) not the fervour of it,' he adds. 'And as people celebrate Canada Day, and they think about what Canada is all about, and where they want to see it go — something's changed.' ● ● ● It's easier to see things taking root once you get into the countryside. Kelly Saunders, professor and chair of Brandon University's political science department, isn't surprised by Probe's findings that one in four Manitobans back western separatism, a feeling strongest in rural areas. 'Every time I go to national conferences, I go there as some little shlump from Brandon,' she says with a laugh. 'The disdain! No wonder we get frustrated.' A certain populist branch of western sovereigntism — quick to dismiss scientific authority as political elitism and prone to flare-ups about vaccines and climate science — troubles Saunders. But the wild rose grows from more fertile soil than that. 'Western alienation is in our DNA as a country,' she says. 'We're not looking at the issue seriously enough when we just write off the very real grievances and fears and frustrations a lot of people in Western Canada have legitimately.' Grievances rooted deeper than just post-election bitterness — a federal election which may nonetheless prove a watershed moment for the West's unrest. 'A lot of this probably extends back a long way, right to 1870, the Riel rebellion — how Manitoba was integrated into this new Dominion of Canada, without really much representation from the people living in Manitoba,' says Fletcher Baragar, an associate professor of economics at the University of Manitoba. 'And (then) you had this system designed to use the (West's) resources to build up the wealth and continuity of the country as a whole — designed not by people in the West, but in the East.' Baragar is referring to prime minister John A. Macdonald's National Policy of 1879. After the Canadian Pacific Railway's westward completion in the 1880s, Ottawa promoted settlement and farming in the Prairies to supply wheat eastward. But the National Policy used freight rates and tariffs to push Manitoba farmers to buy costly farming equipment, machinery and goods from Ontario and Quebec manufacturers. Although federal programs aimed to ease these burdens, some saw the National Policy as reducing the Prairies to a resource hinterland for Upper Canada's taking. 'There's those roots, and to some extent they're still there,' Baragar says. ● ● ● Just as resentment sowed by Alexander Hamilton's industrial policies in the United States later fuelled the 19th-century Populist Party, Canada's National Policy sparked grievances that gave momentum to early Prairie populist movements. Movements like the right-wing Social Credit Party and left-wing Co-operative Commonwealth Federation. However, we're a long way off from the romanticized farmers and co-ops of the country's early years. Manitoba and Saskatchewan's small family farms have largely given way to big corporate entities for whom the scrappy populist image feels like dress-up. But some Manitoba farmers bitterly remember what they see as more recent federal overreach, such as Western Economic Diversification (now PrairiesCan in the Prairie provinces), the federal funding program seen as favouring urban tech over traditional agriculture, and Justin Trudeau's carbon tax, which pounded energy-heavy sectors like farming and oil. Smaller annoyances like Statistics Canada's farmer surveys, many of which are mandatory, and tax-related filings due every month or two don't smooth ruffled feathers. Jeff McIntosh / The Canadian Press A pumpjack draws out oil and gas from a well head near Calgary, Alta., Tuesday, May 6, 2025. Canada has the third largest oil reserves in the world and is the world's fourth largest oil producer. THE CANADIAN PRESS/ 'It's not freight rates. This time, it's not a National Energy Policy… Now it's a concern, I think, in part, about carbon taxes and other sorts of environmental issues that seem to have fairly broad support nationally,' says Baragar. Prime Minister Mark Carney may have scrapped the carbon tax and seems to be talking warmly about greater economic integration and reconciliation with Western Canada. For instance, his One Canadian Economy Act (Bill C-5) aims to cut down on interprovincial trade barriers and fast-track construction of major infrastructure projects. Still, it's hard to disentangle Probe's findings from the 2025 federal election hangover. Every federal election is historic by nature, but this one seemed to carry distinctly capital-H weight. In over 30 years, Canada's conservatives had seen only one member of their political tribe make home at 24 Sussex Drive. The Prairie provinces had also produced only three prime ministers in 158 years. But at long last, deliverance was in sight. For months, the polls showed Pierre Poilievre, a Calgary boy with a pedigree in the Conservative Party's western/Canadian Alliance wing, winning by a landslide — against a Trudeau, which would be the cherry on top. That is, until Justin Trudeau stepped aside as Liberal Party leader and an Oxford-trained central banker swooped in amid a simmering trade war, suddenly looking like the wisest owl in the room. The recently weak and 'woke' Liberal Party was restored to its former Laurentian glory, as Canada's so-called 'natural ruling party.' Despite provincial separatism's constitutionally weak potential, the temptation for some conservatives to flip the checkerboard might feel overwhelming. 'Liberals have dominated federal politics in this country, and the Liberals' base has always been in Central Canada and the Maritimes. The distribution of seats in the House of Commons has always favoured the two biggest provinces, Ontario and Quebec,' Saunders reminds us. 'Western Canada has long felt that they were never fully equal partners in Confederation.' ● ● ● History is being sharpened into a weapon with an ideological whetstone. Albertans, in particular, wield a familiar list of historical grievances — Pierre Trudeau's 1980 National Energy Program, repeated pipeline cancellations, their opposition to the 1982 Constitution Act, their province's greater tax contributions to federal coffers than it gets back in transfers. They have long been the leaders in Western Canada's sovereigntist movement — with outright separatists like Western Canada Concept and the Maverick Party, and more nuanced, effective leaders of provincial autonomy like the Reform and United Conservative parties. According to a May Angus Reid poll, 36 per cent of Albertans support their province leaving Confederation — though that number shrinks to 19 per cent when it comes to those who say they would 'definitely' vote to leave if a referendum were held. The discrepancy is notable. It could be that for all of Alberta's resentment against Quebec receiving the country's highest equalization payments, many have learned a thing or two from the francophone province: threatening divorce scares Ottawa into paying attention. It's a game often well played by Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, whose Alberta Sovereignty Act technically allows the province to ignore federal rules it doesn't like while still living under the same roof. The threat of defiance, from the richest province per capita, is also a bargaining chip. Second to Alberta in the sovereigntist movement is another rich province, Saskatchewan. There, Saskatchewan Party Leader and Premier Scott Moe promotes the idea of 'a nation within a nation,' without endorsing separatism. If Alberta was to have its rule-breaking rule book, so would Saskatchewan — passing the less far-reaching Saskatchewan First Act. Thirty-four per cent of Saskatchewan voters support provincial separation according to the same Angus Reid poll, with that number dropping to 15 per cent when it comes to 'definitely' voting to leave in a referendum. Both Smith and Moe have said they wouldn't stand in the way of citizen-led referendums on separation in their provinces. ● ● ● In Manitoba, no premiers are talking like sovereigntists or hardline regionalists. Even Brian Pallister — who long represented Portage-Lisgar, one of Canada's most conservative ridings, in the House of Commons before he became premier — was strongly dismissive of Wexit, saying, 'You don't build a good relationship by threatening to leave every week.' But today, articulate regionalist voices are stirring on the political sidelines — people like Ken Drysdale, founder of Manitoba Stronger Together, and David Leis, vice-president of development and engagement at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy. 'If you look at what's happened in Winnipeg over the last 60 years, it's one thing being taken away after another. And we're almost just a service centre now. This isn't partisan,' says Drysdale, who's also a professional engineer. 'I think a co-operative alliance between Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba within the Confederation of Canada, would be a plus for the whole country,' he continues. 'If (we) could get together tomorrow and remove all trade barriers between them — holy smokes, that'll make a big difference.' Drysdale — who chaired the National Citizens Inquiry, known for its scathing report on perceived government overreach during the pandemic — sees lifting interprovincial tariffs between Prairie provinces as a first step to building a trade corridor. One he sees stretching from at least Alberta to the ghost town of Port Nelson on Hudson Bay, creating a gateway to untapped and under-accessed foreign markets. His vision isn't secessionism, but more along the lines of a bloc of self-reliant Prairie provinces bound by shared interests — with Manitoba's access to the open sea being one of its alluring charms. ● ● ● Similar outlines are taking shape in Leis's mind. 'The beauty is this could involve, really everybody, including First Nations, playing an important role, making the vision — the original vision of Canada — become realized,' Leis says. 'In many ways, the theme here is, how are we as a country going to finally grow up and realize the founding vision?' Both men envision Manitoba as more than a glorified transit point in a greater alliance with its richer western neighbours. They think Manitoba is lagging in tapping its resource potential and bringing its natural bounties to wider markets. 'Manitoba has extraordinary opportunity. Opportunities in terms of energy, but also in terms of mining, agriculture and manufacturing,' says Leis. Unsurprisingly — especially given Frontier's free-market philosophy and climate-change denialism — Leis sees federal regulations and tax policies as choking off these opportunities. But Leis also opposes Canada's system of equalization payments — whereby so-called 'have-not' provinces like Manitoba are propped up by federal transfer payments — for creating a culture of subservience that saps Manitoba's gumption and initiative. 'There's a long history of proud entrepreneurialism and a pioneering spirit (in Manitoba), and that has been integral to the founding and establishment of Western Canada as we know it,' he says. 'Let's leave the equalization payments behind and pursue a vision of prosperity second to none.' ● ● ● As western alienation rises, it's too easy to caricature the opposing fronts. On one side, a clique of snobby liberal academics, career bureaucrats and old Laurentian political families stuffing their uncalloused hands into the Prairies' pockets, while policing their manners and environmental codes. A clique full of hot air about diversity, inclusion and pluralism — bilking Prairie taxpayers to bankroll woke cultural organizations and public media regurgitating this ideology — while sidelining half the country's opinions and voices. On the other, a gang of new-money, science-hating rednecks who forget about the feds' largesse and decisive role in Alberta's early oil and gas development. A gang stoking culture wars that have less to do with free speech than shielding racists and chauvinists and with the intent to hoard profits while the rest of the country smoulders from economic decline and a man-made climate disaster it refuses to recognize. Even if certain bad actors and behaviour encourage these stereotypes, western alienation is about more than this. It can be about more than just oil, money and the environment. At its loftiest, it's about two visions of Canada. As Leis's rhetoric reflects, western realigners often position themselves as patriotic confederalists. Many espouse loyalty to what they see as Canada's foundational vision as a union of distinct provinces with strong control over their own affairs, wed by an enlightened interest in trade and prosperity. Liam Richards / The Canadian Press A piece of machinery sits underground at the Mosaic potash mine in Esterhazy, Sask. on Wednesday, May 3, 2017. THE CANADIAN PRESS/ Some may don the confederalist cloak strategically, to lend an august image to their cause. But the struggle against the federalist tradition is real. A vision entrenched by Pierre Trudeau's Charter of Rights and Freedoms (1982), National Energy Program (1980), Official Languages Act (1969) and centralization of judiciary power with the Supreme Court. Monolithic acts, as they see them, whose 'gains' for constitutional liberties and Canadian pluralism were above all a win for federal power and Central Canada at the expense of others. That Canada's federalist system makes it very hard for provinces to either secede or overturn the equalization system — because any constitutional change requires consent from at least seven provinces representing 50 per cent of the population — seems like a case in point. Throw in the fact the Prairie provinces have fewer people, and therefore less clout in the House of Commons, and that frustration seems bound to continue seeking political outlet, not always within traditional parliamentary channels. ● ● ● In Manitoba, for most sympathizers, separatism is less a fully formed thought than a gut instinct. And regional dynamics likely still stand in the way of that instinct kick-starting an effective movement. For all its imagery of plucky pioneers standing up to powerful mandarins, western-sovereignty messaging has rather little to say about the Prairies' internal power differences: between the captains of industry and manual labourers, between the have-not and have-lots provinces. Its solutions can feel quaintly 19th century — bootstraps, laissez-faire, growthmania, rugged individualism — in a country gripped by 21st-century problems. Problems like the climate crisis and economic inequalities of a new Guilded Age. Nostalgia for the country's founding vision is also probably not a selling point for Indigenous peoples — the very nations excluded from the original Confederation table and whose legal rights still flow from treaties with the federal government. Treaties often signed before the Prairie provinces joined Confederation. 'We have a very large, important and an increasingly confident First Nations community, and of course, the homeland of the Métis,' says Baragar. '(However) fraught, those ties with the federal government are very, very important.' Manitoba is also, in many ways, a conflicted child of Western and Central Canada: The well-to-do cottage at Lake of the Woods in Ontario, while the province on the whole is poorer than its neighbours on either side. Despite our wealthy enclaves, we're considered a 'have-not' province — one that receives substantial equalization payments and that consistently votes NDP, unlike Saskatchewan or Alberta. ● ● ● Even at the political level, subtle cross-partisan signs of western alignment are showing. NDP Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew has promoted the province's role in a new Prairie trade-and-energy corridor. Then, last month, he joined Alberta's Danielle Smith and Saskatchewan's Scott Moe at the Western Premiers' Conference in Yellowknife. Together, they issued a joint statement calling for new economic corridors — encompassing highways, rail, pipelines, energy transmission and critical-mineral infrastructure. They also called for ports on the West Coast and the coast of Hudson Bay to link Western Canada directly to overseas markets on the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, skipping Central Canada. All with federal support, incidentally. The continued push for a Prairie trade-and-energy corridor is likely to trigger criticism from Manitoba progressives concerned about its environmental impact, as such talk has in the past. This and more reminds us that if western-alignment movements remain mostly about trade and extraction, they're unlikely to inspire a united front among Manitobans — however much the province sorely needs greater economic development. Wednesdays A weekly dispatch from the head of the Free Press newsroom. But this doesn't mean progressive Manitobans are against prosperity, even if they sometimes face tough trade-offs. Progressives likewise draw energy from a long tradition of Prairie populism: a spirit that goes back to the Red River Rebellion and the Winnipeg General Strike, events still colouring Manitoba's identity. While western separatism may not be on the immediate horizon, Manitobans' visions of the Prairies, Canada and their future seem diverse to the point of bursting at the seams. Without more common threads, can the centre hold? As Canada Day and 'elbows-up' energies mellow, maybe we should be talking more about what we share in common not just as Canadians, but as Prairie peoples. Conrad SweatmanReporter Conrad Sweatman is an arts reporter and feature writer. Before joining the Free Press full-time in 2024, he worked in the U.K. and Canadian cultural sectors, freelanced for outlets including The Walrus, VICE and Prairie Fire. Read more about Conrad. Our newsroom depends on a growing audience of readers to power our journalism. If you are not a paid reader, please consider becoming a subscriber. Our newsroom depends on its audience of readers to power our journalism. Thank you for your support.
Montreal Gazette
8 hours ago
- Montreal Gazette
Drimonis: Children's book club is latest target of CAQ's identity politics
Books and public libraries were my gateways to other worlds as a child. It's understandable, then, why I'm such a fan of the TD Summer Reading Club, a national program involving 2,200 public libraries, celebrating local authors and inspiring children to read. The club is free, all materials and book lists are bilingual across Canada, and since 2008 it's worked hard to provide original French content. It was this club that Quebec Francization Minister Jean-François Roberge decided to criticize on social media for the simple reason that one of the many illustrations it uses to promote its cross-country activities features a girl in a hijab. 'Many Quebecers have expressed their discomfort with this poster for a book club held in a public library,' Roberge said on X last month, 'which depicts a young girl wearing a hijab. This type of poster does not promote the coexistence we want to promote in Quebec. The principles and foundations of the new law on integration into the Quebec nation must ultimately guide us to avoid this kind of blunder.' How many Quebecers 'expressed their discomfort,' we'll never know, but what 'blunder' is Roberge alluding to exactly? A little girl being interested in reading? Improving her French? Feeling like she belongs to a larger, inclusive Quebec? Making friends with other cultural communities? Or does Roberge only see a hijab? Some people's vision of vivre-ensemble appears limited to an 'ensemble' that only looks like them. In an effort to erase what the government considers undesirable from public spaces, the Coalition Avenir Québec is not above scapegoating children. I fail to see how that strengthens state secularism. Mouvement laïque québécois and the secular feminist organization Pour les droits des femmes du Québec shared their discomfort, noting the illustration depicts a minor wearing the hijab, not an adult with full agency. Yet the same groups and various pundits made no such distinction last year when they denounced an illustration of a woman in a hijab at Montreal City Hall's entrance, demanding the city remove it. The hijab is what ultimately bothered them. Disappointingly, the city caved. If organizers — receiving pressure to conform to the CAQ's limited vision of inclusion — simply pull the book club from Quebec, what would be accomplished other than depriving thousands of Quebec kids of a free reading program? Do Quebec's public libraries belong to all Quebecers or do they not? Only months ago, a Montreal public library told a writer trying to book a space to host his English book club that he couldn't, because Quebec's vague new language law was creating unnecessary confusion. Why are we making access to culture more difficult for some Quebecers? With the Legault government slashing school budgets and last year's reports of problems accessing francization courses, and with literacy rates lagging, one would think a francization minister would not only welcome outside assistance, but praise it. No such luck. Identity politics above everything else. Once again, the CAQ has chosen to single out a religious minority in order to showboat secularism. It's performative at best. While I don't support hijabs on children, neither do I believe that targeting those who wear them supports state secularism. It's just bullying. The CAQ says the book club's illustration 'does not promote the coexistence we want to promote in Quebec.' What kind of coexistence is that? The kind that marginalizes religious and cultural differences to such an extent that we can no longer even tolerate a mere illustration of a hijab for a free book club? The kind that selectively chooses to focus on some religious traditions while conveniently ignoring others? All young Quebecers — without qualifiers — should feel welcome in our public spaces and cultural institutions. That's the kind of coexistence I can get behind.
