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Centre missed chance to end threat permanently: VBA chief on Op Sindoor

Centre missed chance to end threat permanently: VBA chief on Op Sindoor

Time of India20 hours ago

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Nagpur: Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) president
Prakash Ambedkar
criticized the Centre on Sunday for what he termed a failure to act decisively after
Operation Sindoor
. Referring to Pahalgam attack, he said, "India has ability to dismantle its adversaries.
It was a clear opportunity to resolve the longstanding security threats permanently."
Ambedkar was speaking at an event organized by the Phule Ambedkar Intellectual Forum at Parvana Bhavan.
Discussing the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) issue, Ambedkar said, "Even Dr
Babasaheb Ambedkar
lost his first election from Mumbai, and one major reason for that loss was the PoK issue. He always believed that we should either fully integrate Kashmir or let it go entirely.
If neither happens, future generations will face the consequences."
The VBA chief added that Babasaheb's approach was not supported by certain political factions of the time, which opposed his stance and contributed to his electoral defeat, as Babasaheb had stated then.
Ambedkar further criticized the lack of international support during Operation Sindoor, noting that even neighbouring countries, typically seen as allies, did not stand with India. He said no current political party has the courage to openly address the reality.
However, he emphasized that those who support Shahu-Phule- Ambedkar Ideologies are in a position to raise these critical issues and must take responsibility for doing so.

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Three gates of J&K's Baglihar dam opened as Chenab river swells after heavy rain
Three gates of J&K's Baglihar dam opened as Chenab river swells after heavy rain

Hindustan Times

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Three gates of J&K's Baglihar dam opened as Chenab river swells after heavy rain

Three gates of Baglihar Dam in Jammu and Kashmir's (J-K) Ramban district have been opened on Monday as water levels in the Chenab River continued to rise following incessant rainfall in the region, officials said. The National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC), in coordination with the local administration, issued advisories warning about the increasing water level. (AFP) The National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC), in coordination with the local administration, issued advisories warning about the increasing water level. As a precaution, river rafting activities have been suspended, and authorities are monitoring the situation. Residents living in low-lying areas along the Chenab River, including Talwada, Kansi Patta, Thanpal, Chinka, Gujrkothi, and Jendi, have been alerted. The administration has stepped up patrolling and advised people to stay away from riverbanks and ensure their livestock are moved to safer places. Earlier, multiple spillway gates of the Salal Dam in Jammu and Kashmir's Reasi district were opened to manage the rising water levels in the Chenab River due to continuous rainfall. Doda-Kishtwar-Ramban Range Deputy Inspector General (DIG), Shridhar Patil, acknowledged the situation and urged people to stay away from rivers and overflowing streams. The opening of the gates comes amid a sensitive geopolitical backdrop. Just last month, the gates of the Salal Dam had been kept closed following heightened tensions between India and Pakistan, after the Pahalgam terror attack. India had put the Indus Water Treaty in abeyance as an immediate response to the "barbaric" attack, as part of a broader policy shift announced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi under "Operation Sindoor." One of the gates was briefly opened last month to manage overflow due to increased water levels from rainfall, but operations at the dam were largely kept under tight control due to the ongoing diplomatic tensions. The Indus Waters Treaty, signed in 1960, is a water-sharing agreement between India and Pakistan that governs the use of six rivers in the Indus Basin--Indus, Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej. Under the treaty, the waters of the eastern rivers--Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej-- were allocated to India, while the western rivers--Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab-- were given to Pakistan, with India allowed limited non-consumptive use. India has used this treaty to develop hydroelectric projects like the Salal and Baglihar Dams on the Chenab. These are "run-of-the-river" (ROR) projects, meaning they do not divert or store large amounts of water but still require careful management of flow levels, especially during the monsoon season. On May 12, PM Modi stated that after the 2016 surgical strikes and the 2019 Balakot airstrikes, Operation Sindoor reflects India's ongoing and firm response to terrorism. Referring to the treaty, he declared, "Water and blood cannot flow together," emphasising India's decision to put the treaty in abeyance after the Pahalgam attack. Earlier in May, the Baglihar Dam, located on the Chenab, was forced to open its gates on May 8 due to intense rainfall. The coordinated dam management has so far helped avoid major flooding incidents.

India's April-May fiscal deficit at  ₹13,163 crore—0.8% of annual target
India's April-May fiscal deficit at  ₹13,163 crore—0.8% of annual target

Mint

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India's April-May fiscal deficit at ₹13,163 crore—0.8% of annual target

New Delhi: India's fiscal deficit staged a marked improvement in the first two months of 2025-26, helped by strong growth in non-tax revenue even as the government's capital expenditure spending increased. The Union government reported fiscal deficit of ₹ 13,163 crore for April-May, amounting to 0.8% of the target for the whole of 2025-26, according to data released Monday by the Controller General of Accounts. For the same period last year, fiscal deficit was ₹ 50,615 crore. India's cumulative fiscal deficit at 0.8% of the full-year target is the lowest level since the Centre began publishing monthly fiscal data in April 1997. The government has maintained a strong commitment to fiscal consolidation, with the deficit for FY26 projected at ₹ 15.69 trillion, lower than the ₹ 16.85 trillion reported in FY25, and pegged at 4.4% of GDP. Finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman reiterated this target in her budget speech earlier this year, affirming the Centre's glide path to reduce fiscal deficit to 4.4% of GDP by 2025-26. The latest data appears to reflect front-loaded expenditure in early FY26, particularly a resurgence in capital spending, which had slowed during the first quarter of FY25 due to the national election. In April-May FY26, capital outlay surged to ₹ 2.21 trillion, or 19.7% of the annual target, a marked increase from ₹ 1.44 trillion in the same period a year ago. Overall expenditure rose to ₹ 7.46 trillion in the first two months of FY26, or 14.7% of the full-year target, compared to ₹ 6.23 trillion in the year-earlier period. Revenue expenditure, including interest payments, subsidies, and salaries, stood at ₹ 5.25 trillion, or 13.3% of the full-year estimate, up from ₹ 4.80 trillion. On the revenue side, net tax collections reached ₹ 3.51 trillion, accounting for 12.4% of the annual goal, while non-tax revenue jumped to ₹ 3.57 trillion, or 61.2% of the full-year estimate. Combined, total revenue receipts climbed to ₹ 7.33 trillion, covering 21% of the FY26 target, up from ₹ 5.73 trillion in April-May FY25. Fiscal deficit, or the shortfall between government spending and revenue, excluding borrowings, shows how much the government must borrow to meet its expenses. While moderate deficits can help sustain economic momentum, a sharp rise would raise concerns over inflationary pressures and rising public debt. Policymakers, therefore, face the delicate task of balancing growth-supportive spending with fiscal restraint. In July last year, Mint reported that the government was considering a shift in how it sets fiscal targets, moving from a fixed-point goal to a range of 3.7% to 4.3% beyond FY26, to provide greater flexibility in navigating economic uncertainties while maintaining long-term fiscal sustainability. While tax revenue growth lagged behind the pace projected in the Union Budget, strong gains in non-tax revenue and non-debt capital receipts more than offset the shortfall, they said. 'The revenue receipt growth in the first two months was 24.0%, more than double the growth in the FY26 budget (10.8%). This was due to strong growth of non-tax revenue, mainly due to RBI (Reserve Bank of India) dividend and non-debt creating capital receipts (asset monetization and disinvestment),' said Devendra Kumar Pant, chief economist at India Ratings and Research. Pant said that while tax revenue growth has been slower than budgeted, collections in April and May touched 13.7% of the full-year target, the highest on record for this period, largely due to a low growth target for FY26, with most tax heads except Union customs and excise falling short of their budgeted pace. He, however, warned that both domestic and global economic landscapes have changed since the beginning of FY26, with the Indian economy facing both tailwinds as well as headwinds. 'It is too early to conclude the achievability of FY26 fiscal deficit targets. While the slower tax collection growth is a concern, both non-tax collection and non-debt creating capital receipts have remained buoyant and may compensate for slippage in FY26 tax collection,' Pant added. Other fiscal aggregates, however, show mixed trends compared to the same period in FY25, economists said, with growth in personal income tax collections moderating to 6.4% during April-May FY26, down from 17% for the full year in FY25. 'We expect that the fiscal performance of the GoI (government of India) in the first two months is quite transitory and the situation would progressively move towards the budgeted growth rates of different fiscal aggregates,' said D.K. Srivastava, chief policy advisor, EY India. 'Another noticeable positive trend is that the annual budgeted capital expenditure growth of 10.1% is being frontloaded with the growth in GoI's capital expenditure in the first two months being 54.1%,' he added.

Military, mullahs, and ISI agents: The collapse of democracy in Pakistan
Military, mullahs, and ISI agents: The collapse of democracy in Pakistan

First Post

timean hour ago

  • First Post

Military, mullahs, and ISI agents: The collapse of democracy in Pakistan

A closer look at the Pakistani state over the years demonstrates that the 'democratic deficit', coupled with the rise of Islamist forces supported by the ruling elites, contributed to Pakistan's failed state syndrome read more Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan and now the 'field marshal' Asim Munir holds a microphone during his visit at the Tilla Field Firing Ranges (TFFR) to witness the Exercise Hammer Strike, a high-intensity field training exercise conducted by the Pakistan Army's Mangla Strike Corps, in Mangla, Pakistan May 1, 2025. Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) via Reuters The future of Pakistan is quite bleak and facing a crisis of its very existence. Some of the major factors responsible for the present crisis of Pakistan are the weakening of the political institutionalisation process, the rise of Islamist terrorist and radicals and their role in the political process, co-option of these groups by the Army, social-cultural strife, political decay are some of the factors responsible for ' democratic deficit' in Pakistan. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Introduction The cowardly and monstrous act carried out by the Pakistan-sponsored terrorists group The Resistant Front, a proxy of Lashkar-e-Taiba on April 22, 2025, at Pahalgam (in the Indian Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir) brought out the question of whether the Pakistan political establishment is appeasing both the Mullah and the Military, under whose mercy the government runs. The second aspect that needs to be examined is whether Pakistan is facing an existential crisis. The third question that requires attention is whether the international community will declare Pakistan an evil state, considering its track record of patronising and sponsoring terrorism. 'Democratic Deficit' and Co-option of Radical Islamist networks in the Political Process in Pakistan The prolonged political instability and 'democratic deficit' which has plagued the Pakistani political system over the years has put Pakistan in a blackspot. One of the major factors that contributed to the present chaos in Pakistan, which put both the social and political systems in a nadir, is the unholy nexus between the military and the mullahs who operate in collusion with each other and that prevented the flourishing of democracy in Pakistan. The genesis of the growing role of radical Islamist forces in Pakistan's politics can be traced back to creation in 1947. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, considered to be the founder of Pakistan, used Islam as a tool to mobilise the Muslim masses for the creation of Pakistan. It has even been argued by Indian Journalist that Jinnah has used the irregular army in the form of terrorists to wage war against India in 1947 and 1965. In this context, Akbar further writes, ' Pakistan invented modern terrorism'. The same policy that the political establishment is continuing now. As such, the nexus between the radical jehadi groups and the Pakistani political establishment was deep-rooted, as Christina Lamb writes in his book Waiting for Allah: Pakistan's Struggle for Democracy. However, the roots for such nexus were manifested more glaringly in the regime of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who systematically cultivated these radicalist and jehadi forces to achieve his power consolidation at the domestic polity and at the same time to give greater teeth in the country's foreign policy plank. It may be underlined here that his successor, General Zia ul Haq, also gave a greater push to the nexus between the army and mullahs in Pakistan to garner necessary support. Even late Benazir Bhutto, during her term, constantly cultivated these mullahs and the military to ensure legitimacy for her regime. Thus, the military and mullahs, along with Pakistan's notorious and evil intelligence agency Inter Service Intelligence (ISI) played a critical role in the upsurge of radicalisation of Pakistan's politics which provided an impetus to the growing Jihadi culture in Pakistan. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 'Greedy State', Pakistan's Army and Radicalisation It is not just the radicalisation of politics that happened, but Pakistan's political elites started radicalising the educational system, which provided the fertile soil for the growth of madrassas. These madrassas' theological education, which contradicts modern-day secular education, has also contributed to the rise of radicalization of the educational system. As the theological educational system suited the interests of the political elites of Pakistan, it produced mercenaries under the guidance of religious education. The basic objective of Pakistan's army, as Christian Fair argues in her book titled Fighting to the End: The Pakistan Army's Way of War, is to make Pakistan a ' Greedy State'. According to Fair ' Greedy states pursue revisionist policies to increase their prestige, to spread their ideology or to propagate their religion'. Thus, these mercenaries produced in the madrassas of Pakistan became an asset for its army and the devil Pakistan's intelligence wing, ISI , in achieving ulterior goals. The state patronage of terrorism has been admitted by the Pakistani political elite over the years. The admission of Pakistan's Defence Minister Khawaja Asif in his interview to Sky News, where he accepted that Pakistan is supporting and sponsoring global terrorism. As Asif, the Defence Minister of Pakistan, stated, Pakistan 'have been doing this dirty work for the United States for about three decades and the West, including Britain'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Similarly, a former high official of Pakistan Husain Haqqani in his book Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military stated, 'This political commitment to an ideological state gradually evolved into a strategic commitment to jihadi ideology—ideology of holy war.' Thus, the open admission by Pakistan's Defence Minister, as well as Haqqani, reflects the nature of the unholy nexus between the Pakistan army and Madrassas, which in turn produces radical Islamist terrorist forces. The nexus between the Pakistan Army and Madrassas was succinctly analysed by Siegfried O Wolf in an article titled 'Pakistan and State-Sponsored Terrorism in South Asia'. In this article, Wolf observes that: 'Islamic teaching was incorporated into the military curriculum for recruits. Furthermore, military organizations had to follow increasingly religious guidelines, and the promotion of officers to higher ranks was largely based on religious conviction (the more conservative, the better), rather than merit or years of service. Islamic clerics (mullahs) belonging to the conservative Deobandi stream in Islam and radicalized groups like Jamaat-i-Islami were appointed to work with the soldiers'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Some of these factors are responsible for the present radicalisation of the army in Pakistan, which in turn contributed to the breeding of jihadi army. The same was reflected in the hateful speech of Pakistan Army Chief Asim Munir, now the 'Field Marshal', just before the Pahalgam incident. Munir stated, ' Pakistanis are fundamentally different from Hindus in religion, culture, traditions, thoughts, and ambitions.' By employing these religious rhetorics, Munir wanted to mobilise the Pakistan Army as well as Islamist mercenaries. This helped Munir to consolidate his stronghold over Pakistan's politics. Evil ISI and Islamist Terror Network Nexus in Pakistan Similarly, the notorious ISI, known for its devilish intent, has also been actively involved in nurturing terrorism in Pakistan. As some of the above studies suggest, the ISI has a deep connection with the madrasas of Pakistan and uses them to recruit terrorists and indoctrinate them with religious zealotry. Available literature suggests that the terrorist groups of Pakistan are hand in glove with the Pakistani establishment. The same was highlighted by noted South Asian expert Ashley J Tellis in his monograph titled The Menace That Is Lashkar-e-Taiba. In this monograph Tellis underlined that the dreaded Pakistan based terrorist group 'Lashkar-e-Taiba, bolstered by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate, this Wahhabi group promotes the vision of a universal Islamic caliphate through tableegh and jihad—preaching and armed struggle.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The notorious ISI of Pakistan, along with LeT has also created other prominent terrorist groups like the Jaish e-Mohammad (JeM), the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen (HuM), Hizb-Ul-Ul-Mujahideen, Shipai-e-Saheba Pakistan, Laskar-e Jangvii Pakistan, United Jehad Council (JUC), Al Badr, just to name a few. All the terrorists are recruited by ISI from the religious madrassas of Pakistan and are indoctrinated with a hatred ideology. The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) has listed such Pakistan-based terrorist groups and also outlined how Pakistan's ISI is nurturing these terrorist groups. A recent book written by Abhinav Pandya, titled Jaish-e-Muhammad: Inside the Terrifying World of the Prophet's Army, has also analysed the nexus between Pakistan's ISI, madrassas and terror groups. In his book, Pandya analyses that Deobandi Ideology largely influences these Pakistani terrorist groups nurtured under ISI . Similar view can be inferred from the writing of the former US National Security Advisor, Lt Gen (retd) H R McMaster, in his book At War with Ourselves: My Tour of Duty in the Trump White House, where he exposed the nefarious link between Pakistan's ISI and terrorist groups. The book written by Pakistani Scholar Medha Afzhal titled Pakistan Under Siege: Extremism, Society and the State, highlights the link among the ISI, terrorist groups, as well as the military establishment in Pakistan. The Pakistan establishment uses these terrorist groups as a front to wage an asymmetric warfare against India. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Looking at the active penetration of ISI in the Pakistan political establishment Owen L Sirrs in his book titled Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate: Covert Action and Internal Operations, argues that 'ISI plans and executes Pakistan's proxy war strategy. From Kashmir to Afghanistan, it has created., trained armed militant groups'. Sirrs argues that 'it is a state within a state'. It is also a fact that though Pakistan joined the US war in Afghanistan after the 9/11 incident, on the other hand, it provided a safe haven to Osama Bin Laden, the al-Qaida chief, and his entourage. For all these reasons, Pakistan has become the breeding ground of global terrorism. The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has also put Pakistan in the grey list. The international community also looks at Pakistan suspiciously. A closer look at the above studies suggests that the political system in Pakistan is largely under the control of the Army, ISI and the Madrassas, which are in fact the de facto rulers of the country. The election, choice of Prime Minister, as well as the decision-making process, both internal and external in Pakistan, are carried out by the Army, ISI and the radical Islamist madrassas. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Over the years the notorious ISI of Pakistan in connivance with its political establishment and the military used these jihadi terrorist networks operating from Pakistan's soil to wage an asymmetric war against India. Whether it is the Air India flight hijack 1999, or the attack on India's Parliament 2001, the 26/11 attack in Mumbai 2007, Uri and Pathankot attack, the Pulwama attack in 2019, just to name a few. All these incidents are being waged by Pakistan's rogue ISI along with JeM, LeT, with the active connivance of some of the splinter terror groups mentioned above. Some of the dreaded and UN-designated Pakistani terrorists like Masood Azhar, Hafeez Sayeed, and Hizbul Mujahideen terrorist Syed Sallaudhin (who fled from India, operating from Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK)) are operating in Pakistan with support from ISI and the Pakistan establishment and carrying out all the terrorist activities against India. The same is the case with another dreaded UN-designated terrorist, Dawood Ibrahim, a proclaimed offender and responsible for the Mumbai blast in 1993, under whose name a Red Corner notice has been issued by Interpol at the request of India, has also been given shelter in Pakistan. As a Russian scholar, Vyacheslav Y Belokrenitsky, in an article titled 'Islam and Islamic radicalism in Pakistan', underlines that radicalism and terrorist activities in India are 'actively supported by Pakistani official circles'. The above view of Belokrenitsky reflects the kind of unholy alliance that exists between the Pakistan establishment and the terrorists, which it breeds within Pakistan. Pakistan is using these terrorists to wage an asymmetric warfare against India. The then Minister of State of Home Affairs of India, G Kishan Reddy in a response to the questionnaire in Rajya Sabha (Upper House of Indian Parliament), in 2021 mentioned that ' there are several terrorist training camps in Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir (POJK) which are used for training and subsequently for infiltrating trained militants/terrorists into J&K for terrorist activities. Some of these training camps are still active and imparting training to militants.' Similarly, a recent report of the Indian army suggests that around 150-200 terror camps are functioning in POJK with the active connivance of the Pakistan government. It is also a fact that Pakistan is not only sponsoring and patronising terrorism but is also involved in active radicalisation and terror funding, and trying to play the Islamic card. Similarly, reports also suggest that both Pakistan's army and its evil ISI are engaged in narco-terror activities to fund and patronise terrorism. Along with this, Pakistan is facing challenges internally from Baluchistan, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, and also in Pakistan-occupied Gilgit-Baltistan(POGB) and Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (POJK). In this context. Already, Baluchistan declared its de-facto independence from Pakistan. The rogue nature of Pakistan's strategic conduct poses a substantial challenge to both regional and global security. It is a fact that Pakistan is not only posing a threat to India, but all the South Asian countries are facing the same. The increasing infiltration of Pakistan's ISI in Nepal is giving headaches to the Nepalese Authority. One may underline here that Turkey under Erdogan is also strongly supporting Pakistan's nefarious activities in Nepal. Similarly, the radicalisation of Bangladesh's politics by Pakistan over the years resulted in the overthrow of the democratically elected Sheikh Hasina government and subsequent chaos in the country. Sri Lanka and the Maldives have also faced the threat of radicalism and terrorism originating from Pakistan. The case of Afghanistan is not much different. Since 1979, the radicalisation of Afghanistan and subsequent chaos in the country were largely orchestrated by Pakistan. Over the years, Pakistan exported terrorism to Afghanistan and Central Asia to achieve its ' strategic depth'. Both Central Asian countries and Russia have also accused Pakistan of fomenting trouble. Even many Chechen and Central Asian terror groups obtained their training from Pakistan. European countries, as well as the United States, are constantly accusing Pakistan of its role in the proliferation of global terrorism. In the past, the Trump Administration, in its first term, withheld financial aid worth 250 million US dollars to Pakistan for its devilish role of patronizing terrorism. In 2018, President Trump tweeted that 'They [Pakistan] give safe haven to the terrorists we [the US] hunt in Afghanistan, with little help'. Pakistan's dark history and its involvement in nurturing and sponsoring terrorism pose a substantial security threat not only to India but also to global security. The global community is constantly raising their apprehension over Pakistan's tacit support for terrorism. Along with Islamabad's role in patronising global terrorism, there is a growing sectarian conflict, a lack of effective governance, as the political process was largely hijacked by the military, mullahs and the ISI. As a known Pakistani scholar, Ayesha Jalal, in an article titled 'Does Democracy have a Future in Pakistan?' published in the Journal of Democracy, writes, 'Pakistan has been imploding in slow motion for decades'. She further writes, 'The shortest route to power in Pakistan is to win the army's favour.' The growing preponderance of the army in the political process, increasing role of religious madrassas, as well as a failed electoral democracy over the years, as well as sectarian strife and growing societal conflict, endemic poverty and lack of economic development, make Pakistan a perfect case for a failed state. Pakistan's Role in Pehalgam Terror Attack The recent massacre of 26 innocent civilians at Pahalgam by the Pakistan terrorists in collusion with local terrorists reflects the nefarious design of Pakistan. Soon after the attack, the Pakistan-sponsored and supported terror module, The Resistance Front (TRF), a proxy of Lashkar-e-Taiba, took responsibility for the attack. This terror group is a frontal organisation of LeT and JeM, the two dreaded Pakistan-based terror groups. The TRF was also involved in an earlier terror attack in August 2024 when it attacked a bus carrying pilgrims. The primary objective of this terror module is to recruit local people to terror groups of LeT and JeM. The TRF also has linkages with the official terror enterprises of Pakistan, ISI. Though the TRF was a banned terror group from January 2023. As reports suggest, this terror group, TRF, uses phrases like ' resistance' to create a new narrative, but the core objective is to pose a substantial threat to the peace and tranquillity of Jammu and Kashmir. The April 22, attack by terrorists on innocent civilians in Pehalgam is a part of the strategy on the part of the Pakistan Army to perpetuate its cross-border terrorism, which it has been doing over the decades. As news reports suggest, even a retired Pakistan army soldier is involved in the terror attack. The report submitted by the National Investigation Agency(NIA) of India directly indicates the role of the Pakistan-sponsored terrorist group LeT, Pakistan's monstrous intelligence wing, ISI and the radicalised Pakistan army for the attack. The report also highlights the involvement of local terror sympathizers at Pehalgam who facilitated the terror attack. Pakistan's Global Isolation The recent Pakistan-sponsored terror attack at Pahalgam resulted the international community condemning the barbarity and the heinous act of Pakistan in sponsoring terrorism. The US Department of State mentioned that 'the United States stands with India and strongly condemns the terrorist attack in Pahalgam'. As reported, 'President Trump strongly condemned the terror attack and expressed full support to India to bring to justice the perpetrators of this heinous attack. India and the United States stand together in the fight against terror'. Similarly, Russian President Vladimir Putin stated, 'This brutal crime has no justification whatsoever. We expect that its organisers and perpetrators will face a deserved punishment. I would like to reiterate our commitment to further increasing cooperation with Indian partners in fighting terrorism in all its forms and manifestations.' The UN Security Council in a Press Briefing on April 25, 2025, 'strongly condemned the deadly terrorist attack in Jammu and Kashmir on Tuesday that killed at least 26 tourists and left many more injured, calling for accountability and international cooperation to bring the perpetrators to justice'. Conclusion A closer look at the Pakistani state over the years demonstrates that the 'democratic deficit', coupled with the rise of Islamist forces supported by the ruling elites, contributed to Pakistan's failed state syndrome. The ruling elites of Pakistan employed the radicalist forces as a tool to ensure legitimacy for their rule. The growing nexus between the Army, ISI and the Jehadi forces in Pakistan has also further deepened the democratic crisis. This failed state syndrome, over the years, has also been posing a substantial threat to Pakistan's very existence. The author teaches at the School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author; they do not necessarily reflect Firstpost views.

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