
Who be di political actors behind di coalition wey wan comot Tinubu from office, dem fit achieve am?
No be today tok-tok about a political joinbodi to comot di ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) from power start, but Tuesday meeting be like say na im be di one wey many Nigerians take serious.
Afta di meeting, di participants announce say dem go adopt di African Democratic Congress (ADC) as di party for di joinbodi, and dem also announce former Senate President David Mark and former guvnor of Osun State Rauf Aregbesola as dia chairman and secretary respectively.
But who be members of dis joinbodi? And dem go fit achieve dia aim of making Bola Tinubu a one-term president of Nigeria?
Members of dis opposition joinbodi
David Mark: Na former Brigadier General for di Nigeria army bifor e retire and also former military guvnor of Niger State from 1984 to 1986.
Mark bin represent Benue South Senatorial District for di Nigeria Senate for many years and e rise to di position of senate president for eight years: 2007 to 2015.
Dis Wednesday morning, oga Mark release statement say e don resign from di People Democratic Party (PDP) to join di opposition joinbodi group to make sure say dem "rescue our nation and preserve our hard-earned democracy".
Rauf Aregbesola: Ogbeni as many pipo dey call am na bifor-bifor ogbonge ally of President Tinubu, who bin appoint am as commissioner wen e be guvnor of Lagos State.
Oga Aregbesola bin complete eight years as commissioner for Lagos unda den guvnor Tinubu, bifor e run for guvnor of Osun State wit Tinubu support and e win, do two terms.
But dia quarrel start wen Aregbesola bin quarrel wit im successor Adegboyega Oyetola, who bin also get di support of Tinubu.
Aregbesola na di secretary of dis joinbodi and e tok for im acceptance speech say di task ahead no be easy one, "e go take time. E go demand sacrifice. But we fit do am".
Atiku Abubakar: Incidentally, former vice president Atiku bin follow for di political joinbodi wey bring APC to power in 2015, now e don help form anoda one to comot dem.
Atiku na one of di major PDP members wey pull out dat time to form di New-PDP and later enta di APC just bifor di 2015 general election, but shortly afta dat election e return to di PDP and na im be di party presidential candidate in 2019 and 2023.
In fact, di quarrel wey dey tear di PDP apart currently na sake of di gbas-gbos betwin pipo wey dey loyal to Atiku and di ones wey dey loyal to Nyesom Wike, former guvnor of Rivers State who dey serve for di Tinubu administration as a Minister.
Nasir El-Rufai: Anoda former Tinubu paddy wey later quarrel wit am. El-Rufai name bin follow for di pipo wey Tinubu bin appoint as ministers, but di senate no clear am.
E don since announce say e don resign from di APC to join di Social Democratic Party (SDP). E follow for di pipo wey carri dis opposition joinbodi matter for head.
Sule Lamido: Di former guvnor of Jigawa State bin also serve as Minister of foreign affairs unda President Olusegun Obasanjo from 1999 to 2003.
He bin also contest di 2019 Presidential primary for di PDP but e lose to Atiku.
Aminu Tambuwal: serve as Speaker of di House of Representatives and also two terms as guvnor of Sokoto State. Tambuwal follow for di pipo wey join di APC from di PDP bifor di 2015 general elections, but e jump bak in 2018.
Babangida Aliyu: na two time guvnor of Nigeri State and even though e follow for di guvnors wey bin quarrel wit di PDP bifor di 2015 election, e remain for di party
Sam Egwu: Former guvnor of Ebonyi State and also former Minister of Education.
Liyel Imoke: Serve two terms as guvnor of Cross River State, afta e don work as minister of Power and Steel during di Obasanjo goment.
Other popular names wey follow for dis joinbodi include: former PDP National Chairman Uche Secondus, PDP big oga Tom Ikimi, Senator Ben Obi, plus many odas.
E neva dey clear wed di Labour Party presidential candidate for di 2023 election, Peter Obi, dey for dis group bicos e no follow for di meeting on Tuesday.
However, im tok-tok pesin, Yunusa Tanko, dey always show face for all di discussion of dis joinbodi group. Weda e dey do am on im personal capacity, abi na Obi dey send am, neva clear.
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Nation-building efforts, carried out in earnest since a new federal constitution was adopted in 2012, are beginning to pay dividends. Recent years have seen the government introduce legislation on everything from data protection to child welfare, while management of the country's national humanitarian 'safety net' has largely been transferred from NGOs to government authorities, says Somalia WFP spokesperson Sara Cuevas Gallardo. At a time when many African nations are crippled by unmanageable debt repayments, wide-ranging reforms instigated by Somalia's finance ministry have enabled the country's external debt to fall from 64 per cent of GDP in 2018 to less than 6 per cent of GDP by the end of 2023. Meanwhile, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has pledged to hold the country's first nation-wide federal election since 1969 next year. Efforts are also under way to tackle corruption in the country. The diversion of aid to local officials, clan leaders, or elders – labelled ' widespread and systemic ' by the UN in 2023 – has long been a concern for humanitarian operators in the country, but new initiatives around coordinating systems and boosting aid efficiency are increasingly being adopted, said the Mogadishu-based UN official. 'As time goes by, and as our country has struggled with the failures of institutional decay and turbulence in different formats, we are slowly but surely building back our institutions,' said Abdihakim Ainte, advisor to the Prime Minister of Somalia, at the recent climate resilience summit held by think tank IIED in London at the end of June. This shift is taking place at both a national and local level. In Southwest State – the country's most populous, and one long-impacted by cycles of drought, famine, and insecurity – a new piece of legislation, signed into law in February, aims at strengthening efforts to ensure that aid is used for its intended purposes by cutting out middle-men and criminalising unauthorised transportation or commercial usage, among other measures. 'The law is really very comprehensive, and we are training law enforcement and the court system to be able to enforce it,' says Abdinasir Abdi Arush, minister of humanitarian and disaster management in Southwest State. 'We have shared what we have done with other states as well as the federal government, to encourage them to carry out their own reforms.' In the private sector, meanwhile, the billions of dollars in remittances sent by the Somali diaspora shows there are revenue streams beyond humanitarian aid that the country can capitalise on, while certain business success stories offer hope that profits are possible even in the most challenging of economic environments. The $2.4bn in remittances that the IMF tracked Somalia receiving in 2024 is more than double the $1bn the UN tracked the country receiving in aid. The World Bank describes the diaspora as a ' vital economic force ' in the country, while the strength of remittances last year led the IMF to upgrade 2025 GDP growth last year to a buoyant 4 per cent. Abdullahi Nur Osman, CEO of Hormuud Salaam Foundation, a non-profit that makes charitable donations, argues that Somali businesses will be the key driving force from aid dependency. The Hormuud Salaam Foundation is funded via profits from Somalia's largest bank and largest telecoms provider, Salaam Somali Bank and Hormuud Telecom. 'Our staff in the country are part of the local community, and have local knowledge and trust,' Osman says. 'The private sector has not only managed to survive through civil war, but has thrived.' Hormuud Telecom provides Somalis with some of the cheapest mobile data globally, at an average cost of $0.50 per gigabyte, while Salaam Somali Bank's widely used mobile money platform has contributed to Somalia becoming a 'largely cashless society', says Osman, with over 70 per cent of adults now using mobile money transfers. Such digital infrastructure developed out of necessity, allowing Somalia to continue doing business regardless of security concerns – and it is also now widely used by NGOs to send funds and early warning messages for crises like drought or flooding. Osman acknowledges, however, that the country continues to face key obstacles to becoming less aid-dependent. He believes that while they provide crucial financial support, 'remittances cannot replace the role of the state'. He also thinks that a reluctance from aid agencies to fund long-term resilience work, and a tendency to focus instead on solely addressing humanitarian crises – a dynamic set to become even more pronounced as aid belts tighten this year – is holding the country back. Somalia also struggles to attract foreign investors, with foreign direct investment currently totalling less than half of annual aid flows, and worth less than $1bn per year. 'The most important thing we need in Somalia is foreign direct investment, which the government has been working hard to attract, in areas such as energy and fisheries,' says Osman. 'This continues to be a major challenge.' There are concerns, too, that when foreign investment does come, it is not necessarily being well-regulated. A wide-ranging hydrocarbons agreement signed between Turkey and Somalia in April drew significant criticism for giving Turkey access to 90 per cent of Somalia's oil and gas revenues, according to documents published by Turkey's Parliament. For his part, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud defended the deal as one with 'shared benefits', arguing that Turkey was the only country willing to invest. The story of Somalia's oil and gas also speaks to a broader problem facing the country that will need to be more effectively addressed if the country is to stand on its own: the issue of weak governance. President Mohamud, first in power between 2012 and 2017 and now again since 2022, is a man accused by some of economic mismanagement and power-grab. Even more concerningly, Somalia continues to be impacted by Civil War, with Al Qaeda terrorist group Al Shabaab controlling some 40 per cent of the country, the provinces of Jubbaland and Puntland attempting to break away, and clans regularly fighting over resources on a local level. Ahmed Soliman, from Chatham House, believes that the federal government has had a tendency to look outwards for legitimacy from foreign donors or resources like oil and gas, when the reality is that its hold on power is actually weakening, with constitutional reforms under President Mohamud's administration leading to fighting between Jubbaland and the federal government in recent months. 'There is a sense that the federal project is stalling a bit, and the security picture is failing to evolve in a positive way,' says Soliman. 'The aid dependency continues because the core dilemma of the relationship between the centre and the regions has yet to be resolved.' The lack of clear government control means that everyone from large companies to informal sellers is forced to pay taxes or security provision multiple times to groups including the local government, the federal government, local militia, and police forces, and Al Shabaab, says Soliman. Recent months have seen Al Shabaab boost its territory, with far fewer resources than the federal government, to the point of threatening Mogadishu in recent months. What is now required is careful, consensus-driven negotiation between different parties to build a more sustainable, popular governance model for the country – something 'nobody thinks for one second is going to be easy, but requires politicians acting in the national interest ahead of self interest', says Soliman. climate and security concerns escalating, and aid cuts biting, Somalia continues to face a difficult situation. It remains to be seen whether the country's political class will be able to navigate the country through.