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BBC News
11 hours ago
- Politics
- BBC News
Who be di political actors behind di coalition wey wan comot Tinubu from office, dem fit achieve am?
Di move by some big opposition politicians to comot di current Nigerian President Bola Tinubu for office for di 2027 general election, don get stronger afta a meeting wey happen for Abuja on Tuesday. No be today tok-tok about a political joinbodi to comot di ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) from power start, but Tuesday meeting be like say na im be di one wey many Nigerians take serious. Afta di meeting, di participants announce say dem go adopt di African Democratic Congress (ADC) as di party for di joinbodi, and dem also announce former Senate President David Mark and former guvnor of Osun State Rauf Aregbesola as dia chairman and secretary respectively. But who be members of dis joinbodi? And dem go fit achieve dia aim of making Bola Tinubu a one-term president of Nigeria? Members of dis opposition joinbodi David Mark: Na former Brigadier General for di Nigeria army bifor e retire and also former military guvnor of Niger State from 1984 to 1986. Mark bin represent Benue South Senatorial District for di Nigeria Senate for many years and e rise to di position of senate president for eight years: 2007 to 2015. Dis Wednesday morning, oga Mark release statement say e don resign from di People Democratic Party (PDP) to join di opposition joinbodi group to make sure say dem "rescue our nation and preserve our hard-earned democracy". Rauf Aregbesola: Ogbeni as many pipo dey call am na bifor-bifor ogbonge ally of President Tinubu, who bin appoint am as commissioner wen e be guvnor of Lagos State. Oga Aregbesola bin complete eight years as commissioner for Lagos unda den guvnor Tinubu, bifor e run for guvnor of Osun State wit Tinubu support and e win, do two terms. But dia quarrel start wen Aregbesola bin quarrel wit im successor Adegboyega Oyetola, who bin also get di support of Tinubu. Aregbesola na di secretary of dis joinbodi and e tok for im acceptance speech say di task ahead no be easy one, "e go take time. E go demand sacrifice. But we fit do am". Atiku Abubakar: Incidentally, former vice president Atiku bin follow for di political joinbodi wey bring APC to power in 2015, now e don help form anoda one to comot dem. Atiku na one of di major PDP members wey pull out dat time to form di New-PDP and later enta di APC just bifor di 2015 general election, but shortly afta dat election e return to di PDP and na im be di party presidential candidate in 2019 and 2023. In fact, di quarrel wey dey tear di PDP apart currently na sake of di gbas-gbos betwin pipo wey dey loyal to Atiku and di ones wey dey loyal to Nyesom Wike, former guvnor of Rivers State who dey serve for di Tinubu administration as a Minister. Nasir El-Rufai: Anoda former Tinubu paddy wey later quarrel wit am. El-Rufai name bin follow for di pipo wey Tinubu bin appoint as ministers, but di senate no clear am. E don since announce say e don resign from di APC to join di Social Democratic Party (SDP). E follow for di pipo wey carri dis opposition joinbodi matter for head. Sule Lamido: Di former guvnor of Jigawa State bin also serve as Minister of foreign affairs unda President Olusegun Obasanjo from 1999 to 2003. He bin also contest di 2019 Presidential primary for di PDP but e lose to Atiku. Aminu Tambuwal: serve as Speaker of di House of Representatives and also two terms as guvnor of Sokoto State. Tambuwal follow for di pipo wey join di APC from di PDP bifor di 2015 general elections, but e jump bak in 2018. Babangida Aliyu: na two time guvnor of Nigeri State and even though e follow for di guvnors wey bin quarrel wit di PDP bifor di 2015 election, e remain for di party Sam Egwu: Former guvnor of Ebonyi State and also former Minister of Education. Liyel Imoke: Serve two terms as guvnor of Cross River State, afta e don work as minister of Power and Steel during di Obasanjo goment. Other popular names wey follow for dis joinbodi include: former PDP National Chairman Uche Secondus, PDP big oga Tom Ikimi, Senator Ben Obi, plus many odas. E neva dey clear wed di Labour Party presidential candidate for di 2023 election, Peter Obi, dey for dis group bicos e no follow for di meeting on Tuesday. However, im tok-tok pesin, Yunusa Tanko, dey always show face for all di discussion of dis joinbodi group. Weda e dey do am on im personal capacity, abi na Obi dey send am, neva clear.
Muscat Daily
a day ago
- Politics
- Muscat Daily
What chance does Nigeria's new opposition coalition have?
Abuja, Nigeria – According to the opposition, the new All Democratic Alliance (ADA) coalition would eventually transform into a political party to oust the government of President Bola Tinubu from office in the 2027 general election in Nigeria. Proponents of the coalition say they are uniting in response to what they describe as the country's worsening economic conditions under the Tinubu administration. Nigeria's opposition is reeling from defections of top leaders and politicians to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Some of the key figures in the coalition include Nigeria's former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, former Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi, and Labour Party's Peter Obi, who stressed he is only interested in coalitions that end Nigerians' sufferings. 'We are fighting for the soul of the country, that is what this coalition is about,' Yunusa Tanko, a member of the new coalition and coordinator of the Obidient movement, told DW. 'You'll agree with me that the Nigerian system is in a bad state – there's hunger in the land, rising insecurity, and clear disdain for democratic values,' Tanko said. 'Many true democrats believe the system must be rejigged. This coalition is a collective effort to fight for the soul of Nigeria and defend the essence of democracy. It's also about making sure hunger doesn't wipe away the people in the midst of plenty.' Nigeria has regularly held peaceful elections since the return of democracy in 1999, despite allegations of electoral fraud, political violence and corruption. Reaction from Tinubu's allies While supporters of the coalition remain optimistic of victory in the 2027 polls, not everyone is convinced. Binta Garba Massi, a former lawmaker and supporter of Tinubu, told DW that while the coalition is a welcome feature of democracy, unseating the president is an entirely different matter. 'Coalition in a democratic setting – this is healthy to me. But the process of trying to unseat an incumbent president is another issue,' she said. 'It's a tall hill for anyone who wants to unseat President Tinubu.' She cited the time when the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was in power, the APC (which was then in opposition) had formed a coalition. 'But now, if you say it happened before and can happen again, I think it's an entirely different ball game.' Coalitions are not new in Nigerian politics. The country's opposition has tried this before. In 2015, the APC itself was born from a coalition that succeeded in defeating then-incumbent Goodluck Jonathan. That coalition broke the PDP's 16-year grip on power, leading to the election of then-opposition candidate Muhammadu Buhari. However, observers note that the dynamics are significantly different now. 'I think it's too early to say if they (ADA opposition coalition) can make any real impact,' Mallam Baba Yusuf, a political analyst, told DW. 'If we consider the current political dynamics in Nigeria, it seems more like just another political gathering,' Baba Yusuf explained, adding that President Tinubu and others in the APC have decades of experience in opposition and were able to unseat an incumbent in 2015. 'Their methodology, approach, and mindset were quite different from what we're seeing now. Unless the current opposition leaders significantly change their strategy, I don't see them making much of a dent.' Economic challenges deepen Since taking office in May 2023, President Tinubu's government has implemented bold economic reforms – ending fuel subsidies and floating the naira – in an effort to attract foreign investment and restructure public finances. A recent World Bank report stated that Nigeria's economy had recorded its largest growth in the past decade. However, Nigerians have been feeling the pinch; the cost of living has surged, and millions are struggling to afford basic necessities, including food, housing, and transportation. For many grappling with inflation, joblessness, and rising insecurity, the coalition promises a new political vehicle – but its chances remain uncertain. 'As they are coalescing, the current administration is strategising. There is insecurity in almost every part of Nigeria – is that the fault of the APC? Garba Massi, a Tinubu ally, posed. 'Some of the people fighting the president today were helped by him to grow politically. But rest assured, APC is still standing strong and waxing stronger. At the end of the day, APC will clinch that seat in 2027 by the special grace of God.' Organisers of the ADA coalition say discussions are ongoing with a roadmap to register the party and present a single opposition presidential candidate in the 2027 election. DW
DW
2 days ago
- Politics
- DW
What chance does Nigeria's new opposition coalition have? – DW – 07/01/2025
Faced with increasing defections to the ruling APC, Nigerian opposition leaders have formed the All Democratic Alliance (ADA) to challenge President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections. But can the coalition deliver? According to the opposition, the new All Democratic Alliance (ADA) coalition would eventually transform into a political party to oust the government of President Bola Tinubu from office in the 2027 general election in Nigeria. Proponents of the coalition say they are uniting in response to what they describe as the country's worsening economic conditions under the Tinubu administration. Nigeria's opposition is reeling from defections of top leaders and politicians to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Some of the key figures in the coalition include Nigeria's former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, former Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi, and Labour Party's Peter Obi, who stressed he is only interested in coalitions that end Nigerians' sufferings. "We are fighting for the soul of the country, that is what this coalition is about," Yunusa Tanko, a member of the new coalition and coordinator of the Obidient movement, told DW. "You'll agree with me that the Nigerian system is in a bad state — there's hunger in the land, rising insecurity, and clear disdain for democratic values," Tanko said. "Many true democrats believe the system must be rejigged. This coalition is a collective effort to fight for the soul of Nigeria and defend the essence of democracy. It's also about making sure hunger doesn't wipe away the people in the midst of plenty." Nigeria has regularly held peaceful elections since the return of democracy in 1999, despite allegations of electoral fraud, political violence and corruption. While supporters of the coalition remain optimistic of victory in the 2027 polls, not everyone is convinced. Binta Garba Massi, a former lawmaker and supporter of Tinubu, told DW that while the coalition is a welcome feature of democracy, unseating the president is an entirely different matter. "Coalition in a democratic setting — this is healthy to me. But the process of trying to unseat an incumbent president is another issue," she said. "It's a tall hill for anyone who wants to unseat President Tinubu." She cited the time when the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was in power, the APC (which was then in opposition) had formed a coalition. "But now, if you say it happened before and can happen again, I think it's an entirely different ball game." To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Coalitions are not new in Nigerian politics. The country's opposition has tried this before. In 2015, the APC itself was born from a coalition that succeeded in defeating then-incumbent Goodluck Jonathan. That coalition broke the PDP's 16-year grip on power, leading to the election of then-opposition candidate Muhammadu Buhari. However, observers note that the dynamics are significantly different now. "I think it's too early to say if they [ADA opposition coalition] can make any real impact," Mallam Baba Yusuf, a political analyst, told DW. "If we consider the current political dynamics in Nigeria, it seems more like just another political gathering," Baba Yusuf explained, adding that President Tinubu and others in the APC have decades of experience in opposition and were able to unseat an incumbent in 2015. "Their methodology, approach, and mindset were quite different from what we're seeing now. Unless the current opposition leaders significantly change their strategy, I don't see them making much of a dent." Since taking office in May 2023, President Tinubu's government has implemented bold economic reforms—ending fuel subsidies and floating the naira—in an effort to attract foreign investment and restructure public finances. A recent World Bank report stated that Nigeria's economy had recorded its largest growth in the past decade. However, Nigerians have been feeling the pinch; the cost of living has surged, and millions are struggling to afford basic necessities, including food, housing, and transportation. For many grappling with inflation, joblessness, and rising insecurity, the coalition promises a new political vehicle — but its chances remain uncertain. "As they are coalescing, the current administration is strategizing. There is insecurity in almost every part of Nigeria — is that the fault of the APC? Garba Massi, a Tinubu ally, posed. "Some of the people fighting the president today were helped by him to grow politically. But rest assured, APC is still standing strong and waxing stronger. At the end of the day, APC will clinch that seat in 2027 by the special grace of God." Organizers of the ADA coalition say discussions are ongoing with a roadmap to register the party and present a single opposition presidential candidate in the 2027 election.
The Print
2 days ago
- Business
- The Print
How Shastri and Subramaniam sowed the seeds of MSP
Once he accepted the position, Subramaniam drew from his experience in the Steel Ministry and concluded that the core reason for stagnation in Indian agriculture was that 'farmers were not given a fair and remunerative price for their efforts.' He was dismayed to see the government continuing with wartime strategies of imposing controls, rationing, and a procurement system that adversely impacted the primary producer. When two of Shastri's senior colleagues, Jagjivan Ram and Swaran Singh, refused the agriculture portfolio, Shastri rang up C Subramaniam. CS reportedly asked, 'Why me?' To which Shastri replied, 'Because no one else is willing.' Subramaniam asked for time to consider — he was well settled in the Steel Ministry. But Shastri prevailed, assuring him of the fullest political support in the challenging task of tiding over the crisis and making India self-sufficient in food. When Lal Bahadur Shastri took over as Prime Minister in June 1964, the Agriculture Ministry was considered a 'political graveyard', on account of massive food deficits after successive crop failures in different parts of the country. Agricultural production had plummeted to 62 million tonnes per annum, and India was critically dependent on food shipments from the United States under PL-480. Unlike John F Kennedy, who saw US food aid as humanitarian, his successor Lyndon B Johnson was a brusque bully who expected recipients to kowtow to his political preferences. Subramaniam appointed a Foodgrains Prices Committee under LK Jha, Secretary to the Prime Minister, to determine the 'producer price' for paddy and wheat for the 1964–65 crop year. In his first Cabinet note of October 1964, backed fully by Shastri, CS proposed an unprecedented 15 per cent hike in prices for both Rabi and Kharif seasons. This was opposed by Finance Minister TT Krishnamachari, who saw it as inflationary, and Home Minister Gulzari Lal Nanda, who feared unrest among industrial workers. However, even more important than this episodic 15 per cent hike was the establishment of the Agricultural Prices Commission (APC) from 1 January 1965. Its role was to advise on price policy, on a continuing basis, not only for paddy and wheat but also for coarse cereals, pulses, oilseeds, sugarcane, cotton, and jute. Over the years, the mandate expanded, and APC (now CACP) recommendations today cover 23 commodities. Gandhian economist ML Dantwala was appointed the first chairperson of the APC. He had earlier worked on the Indian cotton economy and understood the need to balance the interests of farmers with those of the textile industry. In his new role, he had to recommend Minimum Support Prices (MSPs) to incentivise farmers to adopt new technologies, optimise resource use, and increase productivity. It was clear by then that the community development approach had its limitations. What was needed was higher economic returns and a state guarantee for procurement — either through direct procurement for the PDS or price support for oilseeds and pulses. According to Harsh Damodaran, the idea of the APC had also featured in a Ford Foundation study, but this was underplayed, since anything 'American' was viewed with suspicion in those days. Ironically, the trio behind this transformation — minister C Subramaniam, scientist MS Swaminathan, and agriculture secretary B Sivaraman — were all accused of yielding to American pressure. As an aside: while the Americans were advocating for smallholder agriculture, the USSR promoted collectivisation and professionalisation, both of which had already failed in the USSR and China. Meanwhile, Dantwala's advocacy for a more interventionist approach, including price stabilisation to protect farmers and ensure food security, was challenged by V.M. Dandekar. He argued that such policies would encourage inefficiency and corruption, and hinder natural growth in the agribusiness sector. This intellectual debate played out in the Economic and Political Weekly. Dandekar (and co-author Rath) argued that although poverty and undernourishment were correlated, they were often independent variables and needed distinct policy responses. Also read: The real White Revolution—Shastri's NDDB built a farmers-first economy that still works Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan Yet a quiet transformation took place in India's rural economy within five years of MSP's introduction. If one had to choose the most understated yet transformative five years in the seven decades and eight years of Indian Independence (from 1947 to the present), it would be 1965–66 to 1970–71. During this period, India's foodgrain production rose to 108 million tonnes, laying to rest all doubts about the nation's ability to feed itself. The kisan had delivered. India became more than self-sufficient in food, just in time for the jawan to secure a decisive victory in the 1971 war on both the western and eastern fronts, leading to the creation of Bangladesh. By then, the Agriculture Ministry had become one of the most coveted portfolios. From the 1970s onward, it has been held by stalwarts like Jagjivan Ram, Balram Jakhar, Devi Lal, Nitish Kumar, and Sharad Pawar. Today, it is held by Shivraj Singh Chouhan, one of the longest-serving Chief Ministers of Madhya Pradesh. Also read: Nothing like deviation in democracy. Even Lenin & Stalin adapted: Lal Bahadur Shastri Empirical norms for MSP From a policy perspective, subsequent APC chairpersons — distinguished agricultural economists such as Abhijit Sen, T Haque, and Ashok Gulati — developed empirical norms for determining MSP. By 1980, APC evolved into the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP), as India had achieved a more than adequate food surplus. Three new cost concepts entered farmers' political vocabulary: A2, A2+FL, and C2. — A2 includes all paid-out expenses: seeds, fertilisers, chemicals, machinery, irrigation, interest on working capital, depreciation, and rent for leased land. — A2+FL adds the imputed cost of unpaid family labour. — C2, proposed by MS Swaminathan when he chaired the National Commission on Farmers in 2006, includes A2+FL, plus the imputed rent on owned land and other imputed costs. Raising A2+FL by 50 per cent suggested that family labour (time spent by the farmer and their family in the production field) was valued 50 per cent higher than hired wages (money paid to hired labourers). It recognised the sweat equity of farming households. Also read: MSP isn't the real issue. Indian farming has changed, so should protests CACP in a balancing role CACP's job is not easy. Each crop has multiple stakeholders. For example, jute farmers in West Bengal, Assam, and Bihar demand higher MSPs, but grain-producing states like Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, and Madhya Pradesh as well as the Union food ministry oppose this. Their argument is that higher jute prices inflate the cost of gunny bags for wheat procurement. The Ministry of Consumer Affairs worries about inflation. The Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers' Welfare tries to double farmers' income. Balancing these competing demands is a delicate act. Food inflation must be balanced with farmers' incomes. Changes over time As someone who has served as Agriculture Secretary in Uttarakhand and West Bengal, and as Joint Secretary at the Centre and MD of NAFED, I've had candid exchanges with Alagh, Sen, Haque, and Gulati. Like Dantwala, the first three believed in the dominant role of the state in agricultural economics. However, post-liberalisation, Indian agriculture has changed. No longer an economy of shortages, it began to reflect shifts in consumer demand and market orientation. Gulati's tenure reflected this transition. By the early 2000s, farmers near Tier I and Tier II cities were earning more from high-value agriculture — dairy, livestock, fisheries, and horticulture — than from grains. By 2015, horticulture production exceeded cereals in volume, weight, and value. Like the Dantawala-Dandekar debate, Swaminathan was sceptical of liberalised export policies, while Gulati argued that government restrictions on trade in agricultural products prevented farmers from securing better prices and thus better incomes. Freer trade, including external trade, will benefit farmers. Many agricultural commodities, including rice and wheat, remained barred from being exported. This meant Indian farmers could not benefit from global price surges. In Gulati's view, more private procurement and scrapping mandi taxes would narrow the wholesale-retail price gap. He rejected the idea that rising MSPs caused food inflation. He instead pointed to non-MSP items — vegetables, fruit, milk, meat, and fish — that drove food inflation. Also read: Nobody fully understands MSP legal guarantee even now. A panel of experts shows The road ahead The current CACP Chairman, Vijay Paul Sharma, who is now in his second term and a professor at IIM Ahmedabad, brings management expertise in agri-value chains. His tenure has witnessed a successive volley of farmer protests demanding statutory backing for CACP and MSP. Having worked in both central and state governments, I believe the focus should be less on the legal status of MSP or CACP, and more on strengthening infrastructure: warehousing, market linkages, farm machinery hubs, credit access, value addition, and transparent price discovery. Indian agriculture has travelled far since the time of Shastri. The institution he set up must evolve with the times. While principles, such as ensuring the best price for farmers, must be preserved, strategy and practice must adapt to modern realities. This is the second article in a series on Lal Bahadur Shastri and the institutions he helped establish. Sanjeev Chopra is a former IAS officer and Festival Director of Valley of Words. Until recently, he was director, Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration. He tweets @ChopraSanjeev. Views are personal. Disclosure: The columnist is a trustee of the Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial (LBS Museum). (Edited by Prashant)
BBC News
2 days ago
- Politics
- BBC News
Who be di APC acting national chairman Ali Bukar Dalori
Grassroot politician Ali Bukar Dalori don resume office as di Acting National Chairman of Nigeria ruling party di the All Progressives Congress (APC), afta di unexpected resignation of Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. APC National Secretary, Ajibola Bashiru, formally present Oga Ganduje resignation letter to di National Working Committee (NWC) during dia meeting earlier. Tori around di resignation of Ganduje wey be di former govnor of Kano state no clear as im or di APC neva release any official detail about di matter. Oga Dalori resumption as APC acting chairman don draw attention as many Nigerians don begin ask about who im be. Who be Ali Bukar Dalori? Ali Bukar Dalori na grassroots politician from Borno State in Northeast Nigeria. E be from Konduga local govment area of Borno state. E be former Chairman of di APC for Borno State. During im time as di chairmo, E bin dey reported say Oga Dalori bin strengthen di party structure for local level. For 2022, Dalori bin also hold office as di Deputy National Chairman (North), position wey make am popular for di national level of di All Progressives Congress. Bifor e become party chairman for state and national level, Ali Bukar Dalori bin start im political journey as a councillor. E later become chairman of Konduga Local govment Area, wia e dey popular well-well. His dedication, especially during times of insecurity in the North-East, earned him broad respect. Dem name Ali Bukar Dalori, wey be di deputy national chairman, as acting national chairman in line with Article 14 of di All Progressives Congress (APC) party constitution. Di APC National Working Committee (NWC) for dia process, bin follow dia internal rules and appoint Dalori to avoid leadership vacancy within di party especially at dis kind time for political space. As di most senior northern official for di party leadership, Dalori na di next in line by APC hierarchy. Di party make di decision pending di time di National Executive Committee fill di position permanently. As e resume office, Oga Dalori bin acknowledge former chairman, Abdullahi Ganduje contributions and tok thank you to am for im service. Tok-tok wey dey go round within di party na say Ali Bukar Dalori appointment na to douse tension from di North-Central party members, sake of dia fear say dem dey sidelined wen Oga Ganduje wey be from di North-West become chairman against earlier zoning expectations.
