logo
Chinese EV Battery Giant CATL Aims To Raise $4 Bn In Hong Kong IPO

Chinese EV Battery Giant CATL Aims To Raise $4 Bn In Hong Kong IPO

Chinese EV battery giant CATL aims to raise $4 billion in its Hong Kong listing scheduled for May 20, said a statement filed to the bourse Monday, making it the largest IPO expected in the city so far this year.
A global leader in the sector, CATL produces more than a third of all electric vehicle (EV) batteries sold worldwide, working with major brands including Tesla, Mercedes-Benz, BMW and Volkswagen.
The company is already listed in Shenzhen, and its plan for a secondary listing in Hong Kong was announced in a December filing with the stock exchange.
According to a prospectus filed Monday, CATL will offer approximately 117.9 million units priced at up to HK$263 per share ($33.8) for total expected proceeds of HK$31.01 billion.
The listing is set to take place next Tuesday (May 20).
Cornerstone investors, including Sinopec and Kuwait Investment Authority, agreed to buy shares worth HK$2.62 billion, the prospectus shows.
Founded in 2011 in the eastern Chinese city of Ningde, Contemporary Amperex Technology Co., Limited (CATL) was initially propelled to success by rapid growth in the domestic market.
But the world's largest EV market has more recently begun to show signs of flagging sales amid a broader slowdown in consumption.
The trends have fuelled a fierce price war in China's expansive EV sector, putting smaller firms under huge pressure to compete while remaining financially viable.
But CATL continues to post solid performances, with its net profit jumping 32.9 percent in the first quarter.
Funds raised from a secondary listing could be used to accelerate CATL's overseas expansion, particularly in Europe.
The battery giant is building its second factory on the continent in Hungary after launching its first in Germany in January 2023.
In December, CATL announced that it would work with automotive giant Stellantis on a $4.3 billion factory to make EV batteries in Spain, with production slated to begin by the end of 2026.
Earlier analysts said CATL's float could be a blockbuster initial public offering that could boost Hong Kong's fortunes as a listing hub.
Hong Kong's stock exchange is eager for the return of big-name Chinese listings in hopes of regaining its crown as the world's top IPO venue.
The Chinese finance hub saw a steady decline in new offerings since Beijing's regulatory crackdown starting in 2020 led some Chinese mega-companies to put their plans on hold.
In a list issued in January by the US Defense Department, CATL was designated as a "Chinese military company".
The United States House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party highlighted this inclusion in letters to two American banks in April, urging them to withdraw from the IPO deal with the "Chinese military-linked company".
But the two American banks -- JPMorgan and Bank of America -- are still on the deal.
Beijing has denounced the list as "suppression", while CATL denied engaging "in any military related activities".
According to Bloomberg, CATL plans to make the deal as a "Reg S" offering, which doesn't allow sales to US onshore investors, limiting the company's exposure to legal risks in the United States.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Canada ended its digital tax for Trump. Could others follow? – DW – 06/30/2025
Canada ended its digital tax for Trump. Could others follow? – DW – 06/30/2025

DW

time2 hours ago

  • DW

Canada ended its digital tax for Trump. Could others follow? – DW – 06/30/2025

Canada has withdrawn a tax that could have reaped billions in revenue to bring Donald Trump back to the table. It raises the possibility that other taxes targeting big tech could be in the US president's sights next. Canada has cancelled its digital services tax (DST) to entice the United States to return to the negotiating table for a long-awaited trade and defense deal. The tax, which was due to take effect on Monday, would have applied a 3% levy on revenues earned within Canada by companies — from any country — whose services are digitally based and earn more than $20 million CAD (€12.4 million) a year. But the DST was the target on Friday of a now familiar missive from US President Donald Trump on his Truth Social platform. There, he labelled the tax as a "direct and blatant attack" on the US and set the clock ticking on new tariffs for his northern neighbor as he put trade negotiations on ice. While DSTs from Canada and other nations avoid naming specific companies among their targets, there is an inescapable reality that such instruments catch a swathe of American companies in their nets — among them digital behemoths like Meta, Google, Amazon, Airbnb and Uber. Compounding the tax's impact was its retroactive nature, capturing all revenues back to 2022 in a boon that would have yielded more than $2 billion to Canada's finances. Binning the tax on the day it came into effect has potentially avoided Canada feeling the brunt of harsher Trump tariffs and the loss of a trade deal with a major trading partner. At the very least, it's brought the US president back to the negotiating table. Last year Canada bought nearly $350 billion in US products and exported more than $412 billion to the US. "Obviously the revenue from digital services taxes will be much lower than any costs from potential trade conflicts," said Bertin Martens, a senior fellow at the Brussels-based economic think tank Bruegel. "This is the right road to take at this moment for Canada, at least." To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Big tech companies make billions in revenue globally and there are few places that haven't been touched by the presence of the dominant US players in e-commerce, digital advertising and social media. But taxation of these businesses largely falls to the country where they are headquartered. For the majors, it's usually in the US, or even low-taxing countries like Ireland or Luxembourg. It's why other countries are turning to DSTs to recoup revenue for operating within their borders. While Canada's DST has been shelved, other countries across the Atlantic have been reaping revenues for years. France, Italy, Spain and the UK have revenue taxes for digital services providers, with criteria requiring a company to meet a minimum level of global revenue, a fraction of which is made within their borders. France, Italy and Spain apply a tax of 3% on those revenues, the UK 2%. France is even looking to increase its rate to 5%. "Big US tech companies that operate in Europe and elsewhere in the world pay very little, if any, taxes in the countries where they operate and collect substantial revenue and profits," Martens told DW. "But nothing of that can be taxed in the country itself, and so, in the absence of an OECD agreement on how to do this, countries have taken this in their own hands." The US has historically taken a dim view towards foreign digital services taxes under the last three administrations — Democrat and Republican — with a view that they amount to import tariffs on services. "It's not just Preisdent Trump, it was President Biden too, it is members of the US Congress in both parties, Republican and Democrat, that agree that DSTs are not appropriate for other countries to adopt," said James Hines, a professor of law and economics at the University of Michigan, US. "A tax that really is designed just to hit hard the American tech companies, which is what DSTs are," Hines said. "I'm sure the Trump administration is very serious about being upset about DSTs, and being willing to retaliate." That leaves open the question of whether other countries will be pressured to drop theirs. "I think the EU could also be persuaded to withdraw these taxes, but the problem is that the EU Commission, as a trade negotiator, has no leverage on member states' taxation policies," said Martens. "It can try to pass the message to member states, but whether they will accept it or not is a different matter." To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video The Biden administration opposed DSTs but worked to broker a global trade deal via the OECD. That agreement was scuttled by Trump upon his return to the White House, leaving the prospect of unilateral DSTs back on the table. Despite American opposition to these agreements, Allison Christians, a tax law professor at McGill University in Canada, said the idea that major tech corporations should only be taxed in their home country is "antiquated." "They're headquartered in the US, yes, but they're capitalized all over the world, and they're collecting data all over the world, and they're making profit all over the world," Christians said. That, she said, makes it harder for local companies to compete with their "highly digitalized" US rivals. Martens agrees that DSTs are a response to the desire for other nations to have a level playing field. "There is this distorted playing field between local companies and foreign — in this case US — companies, in online markets," Martens said. "Local companies obviously pay local taxes in the country where they are established, and US companies can avoid that or circumvent that through preferential tax deals with tax havens like Ireland or Luxembourg, or even through repatriation of lots of their profits to the US. Martens said a global agreement like those brokered by the OECD would be a better way to proceed. But without US support, national-level taxes are likely to remain, at least until they appear again as a trade negotiation tool. "[DSTs] have become tangled up in this Trump administration trade policy debates, and that makes a debate even more complicated," Martens said.

S.Africa's Ex-transport Bosses Charged Over Zuma-era Graft Case
S.Africa's Ex-transport Bosses Charged Over Zuma-era Graft Case

Int'l Business Times

time3 hours ago

  • Int'l Business Times

S.Africa's Ex-transport Bosses Charged Over Zuma-era Graft Case

Four former executives at South Africa's failing transport company were arrested and charged Monday over allegations of corruption worth millions of dollars in a high-profile case linked to the plunder of state resources. The ports and freight rail company Transnet was among the state-owned firms caught in a widespread graft scandal that rocked ex-president Jacob Zuma's government between 2010 and 2018. The web of corruption that hollowed out the companies is commonly referred to as "state capture" in South Africa. The accused who appeared in court Monday are former group chief executives Brian Molefe and Siyabonga Gana, as well as former heads of finance and procurement. "They are facing 18 charges that include the contravention of the Public Finance Management Act, fraud, corruption and the contravention of the Companies Act," the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) said. Their case relates to tenders issued during a plan to expand and modernise the country's rail infrastructure, the logistical backbone of the continent's most advanced economy. In one instance, the officials are accused of bypassing due process and awarding a tender to an unqualified Chinese firm for the supply of 95 trains, with the contract allegedly inflated by $13 million, NPA said. Molefe and Gama are currently serving as members of parliament under Zuma's uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) party. None of the accused has entered a plea. They were each granted a $2,800 bail, with the matter due back in court in October. "The arrest of the accused highlights how persons in positions of trust and power allowed themselves to be part of a corrupt relationship that sought self-enrichment as opposed to the enrichment of the country and its infrastructure," NPA said. Transnet, which owns all South Africa's rail, ports and pipelines, is hobbled by a mountain of debt, theft and maintenance issues. A report into state graft under Zuma published in 2022 described Transnet as a "primary site" of state corruption. The investigation led by former Chief Justice Raymond Zondo found contracts worth billions of f rand had been "irregularly awarded for the benefit of entities linked to the Gupta family," a business family of Indian migrants with close ties to Zuma. The four-year graft probe concluded that Transnet became a cash cow for the Guptas who moved to South Africa in 1993. Molefe and Gama denied wrongdoing when they testified before the commission. They are facing a separate graft case linked to the procurement of more than 1,000 trains.

Can Taiwan help Germany ease its reliance on Chinese drones? – DW – 06/30/2025
Can Taiwan help Germany ease its reliance on Chinese drones? – DW – 06/30/2025

DW

time5 hours ago

  • DW

Can Taiwan help Germany ease its reliance on Chinese drones? – DW – 06/30/2025

Germany is hoping to buy more drones from Taiwan as an alternative to China, but many financial and political hurdles stand in the way of Berlin reaching out to Taipei. For German companies looking to diversify their supply of drones beyond China and bypass its dominance of the global drone market, Taiwan is starting to look increasingly attractive. A report published this month by DSET, a Taiwanese think tank focusing on democracy, society and emerging technology, shows that Germany has become the second-largest importer of Taiwan-made drones in the first quarter of 2025. "We are trying to become more independent from China [regarding drones]," Verena Jackson, a researcher at the Center for Intelligence and Security Studies (CISS) at the University of the Armed Forces of Germany, told DW. Beijing sees Taiwan, a self-ruled island, as a breakaway province, and is actively discouraging diplomatic and trade ties between Taipei and other nations. Due to Germany's close economic cooperation with China, Beijing is likely to bristle at the idea of Berlin turning to Taiwan-made drones or key components as alternatives to Chinese ones. Although China still dominates the drone market with an estimated 70-80% share of worldwide production, Taiwan is emerging as "a rising star" in the supply chain, Jackson said. "The advantage for Taiwanese companies is that we are trying to do everything China-free. That has a very big attraction for our European partners," Hong-Lun Tiunn, Deputy Director of the National Security Program at DSET, told DW. Since 2022, Taiwan has stepped up its efforts to develop its own drone industry and build a "non-red" supply chain, a reference to manufacturing networks that are independent of China's influence. This is part of Taipei's defense strategy against a potential invasion by Beijing. In a wartime scenario, Taiwan could be subject to a Chinese blockade with no shipping access. "So we need to have our own capacity to manufacture all kinds of (drone) components," Tiunn said. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Since the second half of 2024, Europe has overtaken the United States as the primary export destination for Taiwanese drones, according to the DSET report. This shift came as China tightened export controls on drones and components, particularly those with military or dual-use capabilities, citing its own national security concerns. But many analysts believe the shift is largely driven by mounting pressure from the West over China's ties to Russia. "Europeans are trying to reach defense autonomy and they want to manufacture their own weapons or drones," Elizabeth Sun, a Berlin-based research fellow at DSET, told DW. In December, the European Union announced sanctions on four Chinese firms for "supplying sensitive drone components and microelectronic components" to the Russian military. During her visit to Beijing last year, former German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock warned that drones from Chinese factories "attack peace in the middle of Europe" and "hurt our central security interests." CISS researcher Jackson also pointed out that since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Germany has come to realize "there is an imminent risk coming from China when it comes to cybersecurity or drones." However, Berling does not share Taipei's ambition of establishing a fully China-free drone supply chain. "We are very reliant on Chinese drones as a whole, as full drones, but also on parts," Jackson said. She added that cutting China ties entirely would be unrealistic, especially given the country's dominance in raw materials like rare earth elements, which are crucial components in drone technology. Instead, Germany is attempting to diversify key components such as software, sensors, and chips — areas that carry higher national security risks. Software updates, for instance, are subject to data leaks. "There's basically an open door where all information can go out of Germany and then go to foreign intelligence services," Jackson said. This is where Taiwan — home to some of the world's most advanced chip manufacturers and a strong IT sector — could step in. Although Taiwanese companies only hold a small share of the German drone market, "the components we are trying to provide are motors and chips, the very key parts, and our system integration experience to Germany," Tiunn said. While established corporations have long-standing ties with Chinese suppliers, drone production is now surging across southern Germany and startups are increasingly open to partnering with Taiwan, Jackson pointed out. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Earlier this month, Taiwan signed a partnership deal with US and German-based Auterion for drone software that has been battle-tested in Ukraine to help step up its defenses against growing military threats from China. As it aims to provide drones and key components to other democracies, Taiwan is struggling to meet its own demand. The island set a goal for domestic manufacturers to produce 180,000 drones per year by 2028. But the current annual production capacity — between 8,000 to 10,000 units — falls well short of that target. This gap is due to the high cost of "China-free" drones, low domestic procurement, and minimal foreign government orders, according to the DSET report. Cathay Fang, a policy analyst in the National Security and Economic Security Research Program at DSET, noted that the current priority is improving the cybersecurity of Taiwanese drones in line with US security initiatives for Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS). This focus could help open up the European market. "When we see that the United States and Taiwan are collaborating closely, German companies would certainly follow," Jackson said. But Germany is facing its own challenges in reducing its reliance on Chinese drones and key components. "Our procurement laws are really cost-focused. And China is still the most cost-effective country," Jackson said. "It takes time to implement also cybersecurity or security aspects." Last year, the German army reportedly eased procurement procedures for small commercial drones from Chinese companies, including DJI, the world's largest consumer drone manufacturer. This shows that, despite growing concerns from security analysts, the political will in Germany to address the potential risks of using Chinese drones remains limited. "It's developing — the awareness here and the urge to do something about it. But it's certainly not at the point where it's sufficient," Jackson said. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store