logo
Why Sean Combs Was Never Going To Be Fully Held Accountable [Op-Ed]

Why Sean Combs Was Never Going To Be Fully Held Accountable [Op-Ed]

Source: Neilson Barnard / Getty
Over the coming days, there will be no shortage of commentary and debate about the split verdict in the Sean 'Diddy' Combs case.
Cable news panels will argue over whether justice was served. Pundits will parse the difference between prostitution charges and sex trafficking. And social media will fill with memes, outrage, and hot takes about celebrity privilege, race, and misogyny.
Some will call the partial conviction a victory for survivors. Others will say he got off easy. And some folks will invoke Bill Cosby and R. Kelly to say that rich Black men are always singled out for sexual crimes while white predators walk free.
But there's a much bigger ideological and cultural backdrop here that shapes how a case like this gets prosecuted, adjudicated, and received.
We are living through an era of reaction against women's rights and bodily autonomy. The last decade has seen the rolling back of Roe v. Wade , a fierce assault on contraception and gender-affirming care, and a mainstreaming of violent misogyny, from incel forums to the halls of government.
Recall that Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh was confirmed despite credible allegations of sexual assault aired in nationally televised hearings. Our twice-impeached president, Donald Trump, was found liable for sexual abuse and defamation in civil court, yet pays almost no political cost. Harvey Weinstein may be in prison, but countless other high-profile sexual assault cases have ended in acquittals or hung juries, from Bill Cosby's initial mistrial to Danny Masterson's first trial, to the repeated failures to secure convictions against powerful men. Cosby was freed on a technicality despite dozens of women accusing him of assault, highlighting how even convictions can be undone for powerful men.
Even Jeffrey Epstein died before facing a full trial, while Ghislaine Maxwell's sentencing is treated as a kind of closing chapter, leaving the network of clients untouched. Meanwhile, states pass forced-birth laws that deny even child rape victims abortions, and online influencers monetize misogyny, normalizing harassment, coercion, and rape as male entitlement.
Taken together, all this produces a numbing effect. Source: Al Pereira / Getty
When sexual violence is so widespread, so normalized, and so often excused or minimized at the highest levels of power, juries and the public become conditioned to see these crimes as murky, negotiable, or even inevitable.
Jurors may hesitate to impose the harshest possible penalties, reasoning that if presidents, judges, and billionaires can skate by with little consequence, why should this man be singled out for life in prison?
The sheer scale of impunity can breed a weary cynicism, a reluctance to draw hard moral lines, and a tendency to downgrade even serious crimes to something more socially acceptable, like 'bad behavior,' 'transactional sex,' or 'poor judgment.'
This is not an accident, but part of a broader cultural project to protect male sexual entitlement while eroding women's autonomy and credibility. In the courtroom, that cultural backdrop becomes an unspoken defense, making it harder to secure the kind of verdict that would meaningfully challenge the system itself.
This is not an accident or a glitch, but part of a broader cultural project that protects male sexual entitlement while eroding women's autonomy, even becoming an unspoken defense in the courtroom.
In this context, the era of MAGA, convicting a powerful media mogul on sex trafficking and sending him to prison for life would have been about more than punishing one celebrity. It would have been an unambiguous statement that women's sexual autonomy matters, that forced or coerced sex is not simply 'transactional,' and that the state will intervene to defend women from male sexual entitlement.
But that's precisely the kind of moral stance that is under assault in this era and women's resistance is a threat to social order.
In that world, handing down a life sentence for sex trafficking against an ultra-rich, connected, male celebrity, especially one who can also claim racial targeting, would be more than punishing Diddy. The racial dynamics here are complex. While Black men are disproportionately criminalized, that fact can also become a shield for wealthy Black celebrities facing sexual abuse claims. Source: Frederick M. Brown / Getty
It would set a precedent.
It would say: The state is willing to define this behavior as beyond the pale. It is willing to protect women's autonomy and dignity against male power, even the most elite male power, regardless of race.
That is a dangerous precedent for a system moving in the other direction.
Because the rise of a Gilead-like social order depends on blurring the lines around sexual coercion, on normalizing men's right to use women's bodies, on criminalizing women's control over their own reproduction, and on trivializing or excusing sexual violence as misunderstanding, regret, or 'transaction.'
A life sentence for sex trafficking wouldn't just punish Diddy. It would be a declaration of values that the system currently refuses to make.
So even if the jury isn't consciously thinking: We have to protect Gilead, they are steeped in a cultural logic that sees women's sexual victimization as negotiable, deniable, less important. Lost in the parsing of verdicts are the voices of the women who described coercion, fear, and degradation—whose experiences the system still struggles to name fully as trafficking.
And the legal system reflects and enforces that culture. This is not just about one man. It's about a society that is deliberately keeping the door open for sexual exploitation, forced birth, and male sexual dominance.
Diddy's conviction on the lesser charges was, in many ways, a political dodge.
It allows the justice system to claim it held a powerful man accountable while sidestepping the far more disruptive verdict that a trafficking conspiracy conviction, and a potential life sentence, would have delivered. And beyond the courtroom, this compromise verdict teaches the public where the lines are drawn, and where they're carefully avoided.
By convicting him only for transporting women for prostitution, the jury avoids making the bold moral and legal statement that his actions were organized, coercive exploitation deserving the label of trafficking. It's a compromise verdict that satisfies calls for some punishment without threatening the social order that depends on tolerating, excusing, and even monetizing men's sexual access to women's bodies.
Dr. Stacey Patton is an award-winning journalist and author of 'Spare The Kids: Why Whupping Children Won't Save Black America' and the forthcoming 'Strung Up: The Lynching of Black Children In Jim Crow America.' Read her Substack here .
SEE ALSO:
Sean Combs Acquitted Of Most Serious Charges
There Is No Defending Diddy
SEE ALSO
Why Sean Combs Was Never Going To Be Fully Held Accountable [Op-Ed] was originally published on newsone.com
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Sean 'Diddy' Combs gets standing ovation from inmates after court victory, his lawyer says
Sean 'Diddy' Combs gets standing ovation from inmates after court victory, his lawyer says

San Francisco Chronicle​

time4 hours ago

  • San Francisco Chronicle​

Sean 'Diddy' Combs gets standing ovation from inmates after court victory, his lawyer says

NEW YORK (AP) — Sean 'Diddy' Combs got a standing ovation from fellow inmates when the music mogul returned to jail after winning acquittals on potential life-in-prison charges, providing what his lawyer says might have been the best thing he could do for Black incarcerated men in America. 'They all said: 'We never get to see anyone who beats the government,'' attorney Marc Agnifilo said in a weekend interview days after a jury acquitted Combs of sex trafficking and racketeering conspiracy charges. Combs, 55, remains jailed after his Wednesday conviction on prostitution-related charges and could still face several years in prison at an upcoming sentencing after being credited for 10 months already served. After federal agents raided his homes in Los Angeles and Miami in March 2024, the lawyer said he told Combs to expect arrest on sex trafficking charges. 'I said: 'Maybe it's your fate in life to be the guy who wins,'' he recalled during a telephone interview briefly interrupted by a jailhouse call from Combs. 'They need to see that someone can win. I think he took that to heart.' Blunt trial strategy works The verdict came after a veteran team of eight defense lawyers led by Agnifilo executed a trial strategy that resonated with jurors. Combs passed lawyers notes during effective cross examinations of nearly three dozen witnesses over two months, including Combs' ex-employees. The lawyers told jurors Combs was a jealous domestic abuser with a drug problem who participated in the swinger lifestyle through threesomes involving Combs, his girlfriends and another man. 'You may think to yourself, wow, he is a really bad boyfriend,' Combs' lawyer Teny Geragos told jurors in her May opening statement. But that, she said, 'is simply not sex trafficking.' Agnifilo said the blunt talk was a 'no brainer." 'The violence was so clear and up front and we knew the government was going to try to confuse the jury into thinking it was part of a sex trafficking effort. So we had to tell the jury what it was so they wouldn't think it was something it wasn't,' he said. Combs and his lawyers seemed deflated Tuesday when jurors said they were deadlocked on the racketeering count but reached a verdict on sex trafficking and lesser prostitution-related charges. A judge ordered them back to deliberate Wednesday. 'No one knows what to think,' Agnifilo said. Then he slept on it. Morning surprise awakes lawyer 'I wake up at three in the morning and I text Teny and say: 'We have to get a bail application together," he recalled. 'It's going to be a good verdict for us but I think he went down on the prostitution counts so let's try to get him out.' He said he 'kind of whipped everybody into feeling better' after concluding jurors would have convicted him of racketeering if they had convicted him of sex trafficking because trafficking was an alleged component of racketeering. Agnifilo met with Combs before court and Combs entered the courtroom rejuvenated. Smiling, the onetime Catholic schoolboy prayed with family. In less than an hour, the jury matched Agnifilo's prediction. The seemingly chastened Combs mouthed 'thank you' to jurors and smiled as family and supporters applauded. After he was escorted from the room, spectators cheered the defense team, a few chanting: 'Dream Team! Dream Team!' Several lawyers, including Geragos, cried. 'This was a major victory for the defense and a major loss for the prosecution,' said Mitchell Epner, a lawyer who worked with Agnifilo as a federal prosecutor in New Jersey over two decades ago. He credited 'a dream team of defense lawyers' against prosecutors who almost always win. Agnifilo showcased what would become his trial strategy — belittling the charges and mocking the investigation that led to them — last September in arguing unsuccessfully for bail. The case against Combs was what happens when the 'federal government comes into our bedrooms,' he said. Lawyers gently questioned most witnesses During an eight-week trial, Combs' lawyers picked apart the prosecution case with mostly gentle but firm cross-examinations. Combs never testified and his lawyers called no witnesses. Sarah Krissoff, a federal prosecutor in Manhattan from 2008 to 2021, said Combs' defense team 'had a narrative from the beginning and they did all of it without putting on any witnesses. That's masterful.' Ironically, Agnifilo expanded the use of racketeering laws as a federal prosecutor on an organized crime task force in New Jersey two decades ago, using them often to indict street gangs in violence-torn cities. 'I knew the weak points in the statute,' he said. 'The statute is very mechanical. If you know how the car works, you know where the fail points are.' He said prosecutors had 'dozens of fail points.' 'They didn't have a conspiracy, they just didn't,' he said. 'They basically had Combs' personal life and tried to build racketeering around personal assistants.' Some personal assistants, even after viewing videos of Combs beating his longtime girlfriend, Casandra 'Cassie' Ventura, had glowing things to say about Combs on cross examination. Once freed, Combs likely to re-enter domestic abusers program For Combs, Agnifilo sees a long road ahead once he is freed as he works on personal demons, likely re-entering a program for domestic batterers that he had just started before his arrest. 'He's doing OK,' said Agnifilo, who speaks with him four or five times daily. He said Combs genuinely desires improvement and 'realizes he has flaws like everyone else that he never worked on.' 'He burns hot in all matters. I think what he has come to see is that he has these flaws and there's no amount of fame and no amount of fortune' that can erase them," he said. 'You can't cover them up." For Agnifilo, a final surprise awaited him after Combs' bail was rejected when a man collapsed into violent seizures at the elevators outside the courtroom. 'I'm like: 'What the hell?'' recalled the lawyer schooled in treating seizures. Agnifilo straddled him, pulling him onto his side and using a foot to prevent him from rolling backward while a law partner, Jacob Kaplan, put a backpack under the man's head and Agnifilo's daughter took his pulse. 'We made sure he didn't choke on vomit. It was crazy. I was worried about him,' he said.

How Abortion Bans Are Affecting Where Women Live and Work
How Abortion Bans Are Affecting Where Women Live and Work

Wall Street Journal

time5 hours ago

  • Wall Street Journal

How Abortion Bans Are Affecting Where Women Live and Work

Alana Tedmon and her husband moved to the outskirts of Dallas in June 2022, attracted by the lower cost of living and proximity to family. That same month, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade and Texas followed by banning abortion through all nine months of pregnancy. 'It seemed like people were always trying to change the legislation around abortion every single year but I never thought it would really happen legitimately,' she said.

Ketanji Brown Jackson turns independent streak loose on fellow justices
Ketanji Brown Jackson turns independent streak loose on fellow justices

The Hill

time7 hours ago

  • The Hill

Ketanji Brown Jackson turns independent streak loose on fellow justices

To hear Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson tell it, it's a 'perilous moment for our Constitution.' The Supreme Court's most junior justice had pointed exchanges with her colleagues on the bench this term, increasingly accusing them of unevenly applying the law — even if it meant standing on her own from the court's other liberal justices. Jackson has had an independent streak since President Biden nominated her to the bench in 2022. But the dynamic has intensified this term, especially as litigation over President Trump's sweeping agenda reached the court. It climaxed with her final dissent of decision season, when Jackson accused her fellow justices of helping Trump threaten the rule of law at a moment they should be 'hunkering down.' 'It is not difficult to predict how this all ends,' Jackson wrote. 'Eventually, executive power will become completely uncontainable, and our beloved constitutional Republic will be no more.' Her stark warning came as Trump's birthright citizenship order split the court on its 6-3 ideological lines, with all three Democratic appointed justices dissenting from the decision to limit nationwide injunctions. Jackson bounded farther than her two liberal colleagues, writing in a blistering solo critique that said the court was embracing Trump's apparent request for permission to 'engage in unlawful behavior.' The decision amounts to an 'existential threat to the rule of law,' she said. It wasn't the first time Jackson's fellow liberal justices left her out in the cold. She has been writing solo dissents since her first full term on the bench. Jackson did so again in another case last month when the court revived the energy industry's effort to axe California's stricter car emission standard. Jackson accused her peers of ruling inequitably. 'This case gives fodder to the unfortunate perception that moneyed interests enjoy an easier road to relief in this Court than ordinary citizens,' Jackson wrote. 'Because the Court had ample opportunity to avoid that result, I respectfully dissent.' Rather than join Justice Sonia Sotomayor's dissent that forewent such fiery language, Jackson chose to pen her own. The duo frequently agrees. They were on the same side in 94 percent of cases this term, according to data from SCOTUSblog, more than any other pair except for Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito, the court's two leading conservatives. Sometimes Sotomayor signs on to Jackson's piercing dissents, including when she last month condemned the court's emergency order allowing the Department of Government Efficiency to access Americans' Social Security data. 'The Court is thereby, unfortunately, suggesting that what would be an extraordinary request for everyone else is nothing more than an ordinary day on the docket for this Administration, I would proceed without fear or favor,' Jackson wrote. But it appears there are rhetorical lines the most senior liberal justice won't cross. In another case, regarding disability claims, Sotomayor signed onto portions of Jackson's dissent but rejected a footnote in which Jackson slammed the majority's textualism as 'somehow always flexible enough to secure the majority's desired outcome.' 'Pure textualism's refusal to try to understand the text of a statute in the larger context of what Congress sought to achieve turns the interpretive task into a potent weapon for advancing judicial policy preferences,' the most junior justice wrote, refusing to remove the footnote from her dissent. Jackson's colleagues don't see it that way. 'It's your job to do the legal analysis to the best you can,' Chief Justice John Roberts told a crowd of lawyers at a judicial conference last weekend, rejecting the notion that his decisions are driven by the real-world consequences. 'If it leads to some extraordinarily improbable result, then you want to go back and take another look at it,' Roberts continued. 'But I don't start from what the result looks like and go backwards.' Though Roberts wasn't referencing Jackson's recent dissents, her willingness to call out her peers hasn't gone unaddressed. Jackson's dissent in the birthright citizenship case earned a rare, merciless smackdown from Justice Amy Coney Barrett, cosigned by the court's conservative majority. Replying to Jackson's remark that 'everyone, from the President on down, is bound by law,' Barrett turned that script into her own punchline. 'That goes for judges too,' the most junior conservative justice clapped back. Deriding Jackson's argument as 'extreme,' Barrett said her dissenting opinion ran afoul of centuries of precedent and the Constitution itself. 'We observe only this: Justice Jackson decries an imperial Executive while embracing an imperial Judiciary,' Barrett wrote. The piercing rebuke was a staunch departure from the usually restrained writing of the self-described 'one jalapeño gal.' That's compared to the five-jalapeño rhetoric of the late Justice Antonin Scalia, Barrett said, the late conservative icon for whom she clerked. On today's court, it is often Thomas who brings some of the most scathing critiques of Jackson, perhaps most notably when the two took diametrically opposite views of affirmative action two years ago. Page after page, Thomas ripped into Jackson's defense of race-conscious college admissions, accusing her of labeling 'all blacks as victims.' 'Her desire to do so is unfathomable to me. I cannot deny the great accomplishments of black Americans, including those who succeeded despite long odds,' Thomas wrote in a concurring opinion. It isn't Thomas's practice to announce his separate opinions from the bench, but that day, he said he felt compelled to do so. As he read it aloud from the bench for 11 minutes, Jackson stared blankly ahead into the courtroom. Jackson's boldness comes across not only in the court's decision-making. At oral arguments this term, she spoke 50 percent more than any other justice. She embraces her openness. She told a crowd in May while accepting an award named after former President Truman that she liked to think it was because they both share the same trait: bravery. 'I am also told that some people think I am courageous for the ways in which I engage with litigants and my colleagues in the courtroom, or the manner in which I address thorny issues in my legal writings,' Jackson said. 'Some have even called me fearless.'

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store