
Israel suggests it could strike Iran again to counter new threats
Katz, speaking to Israel's Channel 12, said the Israeli military was still finalizing what he called an 'enforcement policy' with Iran.
'We have the determination to implement it: preserving aerial superiority, preventing the advancement of nuclear projects, and preventing the advancement of threatening long-range missiles,' he said.
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Such a wide-ranging Israeli interpretation of threats from Iran could imperil the truce, which ended a 12-day war that the United States briefly joined when its warplanes bombed three Iranian nuclear sites.
The war did significant damage to Iranian nuclear sites and air defenses, and Iran may seek to rebuild its strategic infrastructure.
Katz's comments may have been directed at his local audience, particularly the hawkish government's base of supporters. But the remarks could also lay the groundwork for a confrontation with Washington.
It is unclear whether Trump would push back against the policy that Katz outlined. Israel may also choose to wait and see the results of any future diplomacy between Tehran and Washington.
Trump was outraged when the ceasefire got off to a shaky start, and both sides appeared to violate the truce with rocket fire in the early hours.
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He directed his strongest criticisms at Israel, even at one point posting messages on social media when he was concerned it might strike Iran again. He warned it would be a 'MAJOR VIOLATION' if Israel were to bomb Iran and demanded that the country 'BRING YOUR PILOTS HOME, NOW!'
Katz told Channel 12 that Israel does not need US approval to attack Iran in the future.
'We are saying unequivocally, once the Iranians violate, we will strike.'
He said Israel's policy would be similar to what it has done in the aftermath of its war against the Iran-backed militant group Hezbollah in Lebanon. The United States brokered a truce to end that war as well after Israel killed most of the group's leadership.
Since then, Israel has bombed targets in Lebanon frequently, even though Hezbollah has refrained from attacks on Israeli territory.
Israel has justified some of those strikes by saying that they were aimed at preventing Hezbollah's efforts to rearm. Katz told another network, Channel 13, that Israel's policy on Iran would be 'like in Lebanon — just times 100.'
Iran's foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, warned that 'Iran is not Lebanon,' in an interview with state television Friday.
'We do not accept any ceasefire or halt in operations that implies an agreed-upon arrangement,' he said, adding that he had 'serious doubts' about Israel's commitment to the deal.
He pointed to Israel's frequent airstrikes in Lebanon and Netanyahu's decision to break a ceasefire with Hamas in March to restart military operations in the Gaza Strip.
'They declare a truce, but assume that the other side is weak, then proceed to violate it themselves and attempt to prevent any response,' he said.
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Iran still has ballistic missiles and launchers, despite the damage it has sustained from Israeli and US strikes. It could still inflict blows that Israel would likely need to take into account should it choose to strike again.
Araghchi vowed that Iran would 'decisively respond to any breach by the Zionist regime.'
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Under the grip of this regime for the past 46 years, mismanagement and corruption have deepened societal cleavages. Iran's Advertisement One of the paradoxes of governments that rely on coercion is that they are often frightened of their own people. In Iran, that fear has been amplified in the aftermath of the regime's evident vulnerability and incompetence in the face of its foremost adversaries' bombardment. The conflict has decimated the top echelons of the security services, killing as many as 14 generals. Israel has also attacked paramilitary and intelligence installations critical to the coercive apparatus of the state. Advertisement But today, they are too traumatized to revolt. And the Islamic Republic's multilayered elite structure has already generated replacements for the cadres eliminated in the Israeli strikes. The strikes have intensified the apprehensions of Iran's leaders toward their disillusioned citizenry. Just as in the aftermath of previous security crises, such a series of 1981 terrorist attacks against the regime or the 1988 cease-fire with Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq, Tehran is responding to external threats with an internal crackdown. The regime is already engaging in mass arrests and show trials are sure to follow. The masses and public figures are enjoined to support the regime. In the name of rooting out the internal collaborators who enabled Israel's devastating initial attacks, scores will be settled and revenge taken. Iran's repressive political atmosphere will become even more stifling. An insecure regime looking to reestablish its deterrent posture is unlikely to relent anytime soon. For the past two decades, the United States has imposed crippling sanctions on Iran primarily in the name of arms control. The sanctions have debilitated Iran's economy, precipitating inflation, currency crisis, and unemployment. Throughout the tortuous path of talks with Iran, Washington and its international partners sought to utilize the sanctions as a tool to persuade Iran to concede core aspects of its nuclear program. In practice, the proposition of sanctions relief has always proven less compelling in advancing diplomatic solutions, especially for a target with as much experience with this tool as Tehran. Its leaders are all too aware that the US measures that severed Iran's ties to the international financial system have a peculiar afterlife, as jittery banks and businesses tend to steer clear long after their expiration. Advertisement Now, the relative success of the strikes on Iran have upended the central logic of international diplomacy around the Iranian nuclear challenge. The world now has another path to disarming Tehran — Israeli and American military action. The strategy of restraining Iran's nuclear advances by offering economic incentives in exchange for compliance with its arms control obligations will now be eclipsed by a more potent tool — additional attacks. A regime humiliated and antagonized by bombardment is likely to double down on reestablishing deterrence through its familiar tools of terror and covert nuclear investments. Meanwhile, the cost of sanctions will continue to be borne by ordinary Iranians. Iran's economy will continue to be hollowed out, the aspirations of another generation crushed, and a once proud and prosperous nation sinking further into impoverishment and isolation. Today, the Iranian people are caught between cruel rulers and an indifferent international community. The Islamic Republic endures and will continue to wage its struggle against the West. Anti-Americanism is core to the regime's identity. As Iranian leaders seek to reconstitute the nuclear program covertly, it's likely that new coercive measures will be deployed against Iran as Western spymasters will likely catch the regime red-handed. Military force is now the instrument of arms control. Advertisement In the midst of all this stand the Iranian people, abused and alone. Peace and security in the Middle East will not be possible until they have a meaningful say in their nation's destiny.