Strikes on Iran mark Trump's biggest, and riskiest, foreign policy gamble
The dramatic US strike, including the targeting of Iran's most heavily fortified nuclear installation deep underground, marks the biggest foreign policy gamble of Trump's two presidencies and one fraught with risks and unknowns.
Trump, who insisted on Saturday that Iran must now make peace or face further attacks, could provoke Tehran into retaliating by closing the Strait of Hormuz, the world's most important oil artery, attacking US military bases and allies in the Middle East, stepping up its missile barrage on Israel and activating proxy groups against American and Israeli interests worldwide, analysts said.
Such moves could escalate into a broader, more protracted conflict than Trump had envisioned, evoking echoes of the 'forever wars' that America fought in Iraq and Afghanistan, which he had derided as 'stupid' and promised never to be dragged into.
'The Iranians are seriously weakened and degraded in their military capabilities,' said Aaron David Miller, a former Middle East negotiator for Democratic and Republican administrations. 'But they have all sorts of asymmetric ways that they can respond... This is not going to end quick.'
The Iranians are seriously weakened and degraded in their military capabilities. But they have all sorts of asymmetric ways that they can respond... This is not going to end quick.
Aaron David Miller, a former Middle East negotiator
In the lead-up to the bombing that he announced late on Saturday, Trump had vacillated between threats of military action and appeals for renewed negotiation to persuade Iran to reach a deal to dismantle its nuclear programme.
A senior White House official said that once Trump was convinced that Tehran had no interest in reaching a nuclear agreement, he decided the strikes were 'the right thing to do'.
Trump gave the go-ahead once he was assured of a 'high probability of success', the official said — a determination reached after more than a week of Israeli air attacks on Iran's nuclear and military facilities paved the way for the US to deliver the potentially crowning blow.
Trump touted the 'great success' of the strikes, which he said included the use of massive 'bunker-buster bombs' on the main site at Fordow. But some experts suggested that while Iran's nuclear programme may have been set back for many years, the threat may be far from over.
Iran denies seeking a nuclear weapon, saying its programme is for purely peaceful purposes.
'In the long term, military action is likely to push Iran to determine nuclear weapons are necessary for deterrence and that Washington is not interested in diplomacy,' the Arms Control Association, a non-partisan US-based organisation that advocates for arms control legislation, said in a statement.
'Military strikes alone cannot destroy Iran's extensive nuclear knowledge. The strikes will set Iran's programme back, but at the cost of strengthening Tehran's resolve to reconstitute its sensitive nuclear activities,' the group said.
Eric Lob, assistant professor in the department of politics and international relations at Florida International University, said Iran's next move remains an open question and suggested that among its forms of retaliation could be to hit 'soft targets' of the US and Israel inside and outside the region.
But he also said there was a possibility that Iran could return to the negotiating table — 'though they would be doing so in an even weaker position' — or seek a diplomatic off-ramp.
In the immediate aftermath of the US strikes, however, Iran showed little appetite for concessions.
Iran's Atomic Energy Organisation said it would not allow development of its 'national industry' to be stopped, and an Iranian state television commentator said every US citizen or military member in the region would now be legitimate targets.
Karim Sadjadpour, an analyst at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, posted on X: 'Trump indicated this is now the time for peace. It's unclear and unlikely the Iranians will see it the same way. This is more likely to open a new chapter of the 46-year-old US-Iran war than conclude it.'
Some analysts suggested that Trump, whose administration has previously disavowed any aim of dislodging the Iranian leadership, could be drawn into seeking 'regime change' if Tehran carries out major reprisals or moves to build a nuclear weapon.
That, in turn, would bring additional risks.
'Beware mission creep, aiming for regime change and democratisation campaigns,' said Laura Blumenfeld, a Middle East analyst at the Johns Hopkins School for Advanced International Studies in Washington. 'You'll find the bones of many failed US moral missions buried in Middle East sands.'
Jonathan Panikoff, a former US deputy intelligence officer for the Middle East, said Iran's leadership would quickly engage in 'disproportionate attacks' if it felt its survival was imperilled.
But Tehran will also have to be mindful of the consequences, he said. While actions such as closing the Strait of Hormuz would pose problems for Trump with the resulting higher oil prices and potential US inflationary affect, it would also hurt China, one of Iran's few powerful allies.
At the same time, Trump is already facing strong pushback from congressional Democrats against the Iran attack and will also have to contend with opposition from the anti-interventionist wing of his Republican MAGA base.
Trump, who faced no major international crisis in his first term, is now embroiled in one just six months into his second.
Even if he hopes US military involvement can be limited in time and scope, the history of such conflicts often carries unintended consequences for American presidents.
Trump's slogan of 'peace through strength' will certainly be tested as never before, especially with his opening of a new military front after failing to meet his campaign promises to quickly end wars in Ukraine and Gaza.
'Trump is back in the war business,' said Richard Gowan, UN director at the International Crisis Group. 'I am not sure anyone in Moscow, Tehran or Beijing ever believed his spiel that he is a peacemaker. It always looked more like a campaign phrase than a strategy.'
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A woman mourns over the shrouded body of a Palestinian killed during a reported Israeli strike on a humanitarian aid distribution warehouse in the Sabra neighbourhood in Gaza City, in the central Gaza Strip on June 30, 2025. Despite misconceptions, Israel is not trying to starve the Gazan people, says the writer. Image: AFP Nicholas Woode-Smith Roberto Amaral's comparison of Gaza to Auschwitz is not just patently ahistorical but belies an ignorance of the realities of the Gaza conflict and the true human cost of the Holocaust (From Auschwitz to Gaza: The modern-day concentration camp, published in the Sunday Independent and IOL, 9 June 2025). To equate the systematic industrial genocide of six million Jews in Auschwitz with Israel's military campaign in Gaza is not only a gross distortion but a deeply offensive minimisation of the Holocaust. 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Amaral's use of the term 'Luciferian' to describe Israel reveals much of the underlying bigotry of his argument. Describing an entire state as satanic is not a political critique; it's dehumanisation. This language echoes some of the oldest antisemitic tropes in history, many of which fuelled genocidal ideologies in Europe. Amaral wishes to paint Israel as the fundamental antagonist in what is a tragic and complicated conflict. He fails to mention the October 7 massacre, one of the largest mass atrocities against Jews since the Holocaust, and the event that caused this war in the first place. As Nowakowski pertinently comments: 'It is worth keeping in mind that it was Hamas that sparked this latest cycle of violence with its attack on Israel on October 7, two years ago, not the Israeli army.' Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Further, Amaral refuses to call the conflict a war, stripping Gazans and Hamas of their agency and acting as if Palestinians are only passive victims who have not pulled a single trigger. It is this passivity that Amaral asserts is further evidence of Israel's genocide against the Gaza people. But there is a large difference between Gaza and Auschwitz. And genocide isn't just about the number of dead. As Nowakowski explains: 'The definition of genocide... turns on one thing above all else—intent. For an atrocity to be genocide, its defining objective must be the physical elimination of a group, or a part of that group.' In the case of the Holocaust: 'These six camps, including Bełżec, Auschwitz-Birkenau, and Treblinka, became centres of industrialised murder... Their deaths were not collateral; they were the objective.' Genocide is not Israel's objective in Gaza. Israel is not marching civilians into gas chambers or firing wantonly at innocents. And despite misconceptions, Israel is not trying to starve the Gazan people either. The vast majority of civilian deaths have occurred because of Hamas' strategy of embedding itself among civilians, using homes, hospitals, schools, and mosques to store weapons and launch attacks on Israeli civilians, attempting to kill them merely for being Jewish. The fact of the matter is that if Israel could achieve its military objective of saving its hostages and eliminating Hamas as a threat to its people without harming a single civilian, that is what they would choose. A true genocide would have no such discernment between combatants and noncombatants. The Jews of Europe, the Tutsis of Rwanda, the Armenians, and the Bosnian Muslims were targeted because of who they are. The aim was their extermination. Amaral and other writers risk overextending the term 'genocide' and dulling its moral edge. It risks confusing true genocide with what is already a tragic, albeit necessary, war. To call Gaza a modern Auschwitz is not only historically incoherent, but devalues the unique horror of the Holocaust, where genocide was not a side effect. It was the mission. Civilian deaths in Gaza must not be dismissed. But they must also not be mislabelled. If we are to prevent future genocides, we must first be honest about what they are and what they are not. Comparing Gaza to Auschwitz reveals a deeper moral confusion. The Jews of Europe were powerless civilians systematically rounded up and exterminated solely for who they were. In Gaza, Israel is targeting Hamas, a heavily armed terrorist group that governs Gaza, started this war, and uses its people as shields. There is no moral equivalence between mass murder and tragic collateral damage. To pretend otherwise is to insult the memory of Holocaust victims and obscure the reality of today's war. To call Gaza another Auschwitz is not just a mistake. It is a betrayal of memory and a barrier to truth and peace. * Nicholas Woode-Smith is the the Managing Editor of the Rational Standard and a Senior Associate of the Free Market Foundation. He writes in his personal capacity. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African. *** EDITOR'S NOTE: The claims made in this article reflect factually incorrect statements regarding Israel's ongoing genocide of the Palestinian people, as ruled by the International Court of Justice, the International Criminal Court's findings, and the ongoing and unfolding humanitarian crisis in Gaza.