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ICE deported his brother to El Salvador, so he hid in Texas, then fled back to Venezuela

ICE deported his brother to El Salvador, so he hid in Texas, then fled back to Venezuela

Miami Herald11-05-2025

Jonferson Valera Yamarte, a young Venezuelan immigrant who had made his way to the U.S. last year, hid after he witnessed in March how federal agents arrested his brother and three friends in Dallas before deporting them to a maximum security mega prison in El Salvador.
Now, he is no longer in fear: His family received him with a party at their home in Venezuela.
'It's the first time I've moved away from her, and I think it's going to be the last,' said Yamarte, hugging his mother, Mercedes, just minutes after being greeted with hugs, tears and a rain of celebration foam in the neighborhood of Los Pescadores in Maracaibo, his hometown in northwestern Venezuela.
Yamarte, 21, flew from Mexico to Caracas on Thursday on a plane that was part of the Venezuelan government's official repatriation plan 'Return to the Homeland' and then traveled by land to Maracaibo. He got out of a military vehicle smiling after 7 a.m. on Saturday, before his neighborhood erupted in joy.
Family and friends received him with hugs, claps and tears in their eyes, while they played 'Volver a casa' — Returning Home — a melancholic song that has become the anthem of the Venezuelan migration, which so far numbers close to eight million people.
Dozens of balloons the color of Venezuela's tricolor flag and a 'welcome' sign decorated the facade of his mother's house, where a breakfast of sweet breads and cola drinks awaited him.
Living in hiding in Texas
Yamarte told the Miami Herald he decided to move immediately and live in hiding somewhere else in Texas after living through the immigration agents went into his apartment, handcuffed his brother Mervin and took him into custody on March 13.
'I left there so that I wouldn't have the same address. They were going to come for me,' he said. 'I worked with fear, I went to play soccer with fear, I walked on the streets with fear, as if I were being chased.'
The young man emigrated from Venezuela in September 2023 and turned himself in to border authorities in El Paso, Texas, after a long land journey in which he had crossed the dangerous Darien jungle between Colombia and Panama. His brother had entered the United States first.
In November 2023, Yamarte arrived in Dallas after being detained at the border for a couple of days. He got together with Mervin and several of his friends, also former residents of Los Pescadores, to work 'honestly' in a tortilla factory, he said.
After Donald Trump was elected in November 2024, Yamarte said, he and his brother had decided to return to Venezuela, worried about Trump's comments attacking immigrants during his presidential campaign, he said. But they remained in Texas, he said, thinking that nothing would happen to them. They had papers that allowed them to remain in the U.S., they both thought.
Armed Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers raided his apartment in the Texas city of Irving around noon on March 13. Yamarte said he watched as his brother Mervin Yamarte, 29, and friends Andy Perozo, 30, and Ringo Rincon, 39, all from the same Maraciabo neighborhood, were handcuffed and taken away.
Authorities also arrested 23-year-old Edwar Herrera, another former Los Pescadores resident who had immigrated to the U.S. The four were deported on March 16 to the notorious Terrorism Confinment Center in El Salvador, along with more than 200 immigrants accused of belonging to the feared Tren de Aragua gang.
Tattoos and 'a sign from God'
Mervin Yamarte told the ICE officers that day that he had been allowed into the U.S. and that his documentation was up to date.
The officers assured him that they were detaining him 'just for investigation,' Yamarte said.
Federal agents took photographs of the detainees' tattoos: Rincon had an owl and his brother had the number 99, among others. Yamarte said it was his brother's favorite soccer number.
'A tattoo doesn't define you as a person,' he says. Neither he nor his brother had had any problems with the law in the United States, he said.
U.S. authorities summoned Yamarte to appear in immigration court on April 6. That day, he had already crossed into Mexico through El Paso and traveled from Ciudad Juárez to Mexico City.
He thought that having remained free for a few weeks in Texas was 'a sign from God,' he says. 'Sometimes, one is very foolish because of greed and money, thinking that I was going to stay despite what was happening' to other Venezuelan immigrants in the U.S., he added.
But then, when he got the notice to appear in immigration court, he said, he became convinced he would be detained and deported, perhaps to the prison in El Salvador.
'I spoke with my mother and told her that I was not going to be in the United States anymore, that I was not a criminal. Why should they be persecuting me?' he said.
Yamarte said he plans to start working in Venezuela again after spending time with his family. 'I want to keep moving forward,' he added.
He said his brother is innocent and remains hopeful he will be released from the Salvadoran prison and return home to Maracaibo.
His mother says she is happy, in the meantime, because two of her four children who emigrated to the United States are already back living with her Los Pescadores. She hopes Mervin and another of her sons will join them soon.
Said his father, Alirio, who cried as he hugged him, 'You feel joy and sadness at the same time.'

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New York Post

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  • New York Post

Americans at risk ‘anywhere' after 6 illegal immigrants are charged in mother's murder: congressman

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A farmworker had broken no laws. A California sheriff and ICE took him anyway
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San Francisco Chronicle​

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At the same time, it is appealing injunctions on its efforts to rendition hundreds more, including many who have said in court petitions that they are fleeing the gangs they are accused of serving. Trump recently won the Supreme Court's permission to expel migrants to countries they are not from, including ones where they face possible torture. Even as Trump seeks to ban or sharply restrict asylum, refugee admissions, humanitarian parole, temporary protected status, student visas, travel from 19 African and Middle Eastern countries, and birthright citizenship, among other legal pathways, his immigration enforcers insist that they are prioritizing dangerous criminals on the way to meeting the president's quota of 1 million deportations by the end of the year. Zanoni, who declined to be interviewed, has criticized California's sanctuary laws but says he obeys them, including what's known as the California Values Act, or Senate Bill 54, which says local law enforcement agencies can coordinate with ICE only if the people in their custody have been convicted of or charged with serious crimes. Garcia-Heredia has no criminal record. He had permission to be in the country. He is not the kind of immigrant the Trump administration or Zanoni's office admit targeting. So how did he become a poster child for their synchronized effort? 'My time to go' According to a phone interview from the Bluebonnet Detention Facility in Anson, Texas, and two declarations he filed with a federal court in California — all translated from Spanish by attorney Victoria Petty of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area — Garcia-Heredia doesn't remember much about where he came from. He was young when the family left Caucagua, a balmy city surrounded by cocoa fields in the Venezuelan state of Miranda. He was 5 when his father was slain. 'I don't remember him much, either,' he told the Chronicle. Garcia-Heredia quit school at 15 and got a job as a machine operator in a plastics factory. As hundreds of thousands of Venezuelan kids do each year, he left a collapsing education system to help his family pay the bills. Like about 2,000 Venezuelans each day, he would later leave a collapsing country to do the same. According to the United Nations Refugee Agency, more than 7.7 million Venezuelans have been displaced by hyperinflation, gang violence and food shortages under the decade-long regime of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. Most go to Latin America or the Caribbean. Garcia-Heredia decided on the U.S. His mother and two younger brothers shared doubts. 'But it was my time to go,' he said. Garcia-Heredia said it was important to him to follow the laws and immigration rules of the country he was seeking to enter. 'I wanted to show the United States government that I was a trustworthy person,' he said in an April 28 declaration identifying him by his initials as Y.G.H. Garcia-Heredia left Venezuela in July 2023, when he was 20. He traveled mostly by bus, he said. He reached Mexico City and downloaded CBP One, a notoriously glitchy app that became the Biden administration's gatekeeper for an overwhelmed asylum system. The Trump administration has turned CBP One into a self-deportation app. Garcia-Heredia waited two months for an appointment with U.S. Customs and Border Protection, presented his Venezuelan identification card and requested asylum. In September 2023 — three months before border encounters peaked that December — he was granted temporary humanitarian parole and given an August 2026 immigration court date. He went first to Chicago but found it too cold. He went to Fresno County, which felt more familiar. The Central California county of about 1 million residents is 55% Hispanic or Latino and nearly 20% foreign-born, with about 77,000 unauthorized immigrants, according to the U.S. Census Bureau and Migration Policy Institute. It is also home to an $8.6 billion agricultural industry with 1.9 million acres producing 350 different crops and 20% of the area's jobs, according to the county's 2023 crops report. Garcia-Heredia joined the farming economy's large unauthorized workforce, planting and picking watermelons, tomatoes, squash and broccoli. Sometimes he worked 12-hour days, sometimes seven-day weeks. He found a place to stay in Mendota, a western-county city bisected by two state routes and known for its cantaloupes. Almost everyone there is Latino or Hispanic and speaks a language other than English. On Feb. 12, he was arrested at his home. The sheriff's office would later say its detectives and those from the Mendota Police Department were serving an unrelated search warrant when they connected Garcia-Heredia to the August 2024 robberies. The sheriff's office said this more than two months after it decided not to seek charges. Garcia-Heredia said it was raining when the police came. He put his hands on his head and got into a patrol car, he said. He asked what was happening, but no one answered, he said. Then the investigators arrived. Two detectives interrogated him, he said, one acting as interpreter. 'They asked me if I was a person who participated in the robbery,' he said. 'Then they took me to the jail. They accused me of the (crimes). And I was really afraid because they said I was going to pay 15 years of my life for a crime that I didn't commit.' No one mentioned Tren de Aragua, he said. He said he spent three days in jail, which would violate state laws requiring that he be charged or released within 48 hours. A sheriff's spokesperson said Garcia-Heredia was released after two days, but did not respond to questions seeking specific dates. Garcia-Heredia said he was woken from a sleep, escorted out of his cell and told to change back into his clothes. He asked his jailer if someone had posted his bail. He didn't understand why he had been arrested or why he was being let go. 'He told me that I was already free,' he said. 'As soon as I walked out of the door of the jail, there was ICE right there.' What did that feel like? 'I felt bad,' Garcia-Heredia said. 'I felt so, so bad.' 'About law and order' Zanoni was born, raised and educated in Fresno, where he attended Catholic high school and state college. He joined the sheriff's office as a reserve deputy in 1996 and worked his way up the ranks to assistant sheriff. In June 2022, he won the top job in a two-person race that saw 25% of registered voters participate and 15% of registered voters choose him. Zanoni promised to continue the tough-on-crime approach and lenient concealed gun permitting of the retiring Margaret Mims, the county's first female sheriff. He also telegraphed differences. 'I believe firmly that law enforcement does not exist to avoid mistakes. We exist to accomplish something important, and that is to reduce crime and make our communities safer,' Zanoni said at his January 2023 swearing-in ceremony. 'While many things the sheriff's office does will remain the same, there will be changes.' Maria Romani, the immigrant rights program director at the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California, welcomed one of those changes. In February 2022, she published a report showing that Mims transferred more people to ICE than her office disclosed. She said Zanoni agreed to end his predecessor's practice of letting ICE arrest people in the jail's vestibule, enabling the sheriff's office to claim the person had been released and skirting the state's sanctuary laws and reporting requirements around ICE transfers. 'It spoke volumes of him,' Romani said. 'In a good way, I think.' But Zanoni was not a fan of state laws restricting his ability to cooperate and coordinate with immigration authorities. In a Feb. 12 video with Fresno County Supervisor Nathan Magsig, Zanoni criticized SB54's limits on contacting ICE about people in his jail, saying such policies essentially forced ICE to cast wider nets that also snare immigrants without criminal records. 'Criminals are the focus. Not just people who are here illegally — because that is a crime, but that's not our focus,' Zanoni said. 'We have to make changes. We have to be about law and order.' Trump's immigration lieutenants have said the same thing. But being in the country as an undocumented immigrant is a civil violation and not, on its own, a crime. And ICE agents operating in California from the Oregon border to Kern County are increasingly taking people without criminal records, a Chronicle data analysis found. Of the 56,397 people in ICE detention nationally as of June 15, 72% (40,433) had no criminal record, according to the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University. ICE detentions are at their highest number in at least six years. Meanwhile, the administration has exerted tremendous pressure to bend blue states to its signature deportation project. In California, it has sent immigration authorities to schools, clinics, courthouses and worksites, dispatched the military to deal with protesters, roughed up a Democratic senator who questioned the policy, and tried to cut funding to jurisdictions that place legal limits on their assistance. While California limited sheriffs' ability to respond to ICE's detainer requests in 2013 — citing the legality and costs of holding people past their release dates, and the distrust they stoked between immigrants and police — exceptions were granted for people with past convictions or current charges for serious or violent felonies, including gang-related offenses. The administration says that cities such as San Francisco and states such as California abet criminals and endanger the public by preventing immigration agents from entering jails and taking lawbreakers, even though nothing is stopping them from simply waiting outside the jails. Multiple courts have upheld the sanctuary laws. Romani said she attended a March meeting with a small group of immigrant activists in which Zanoni expressed empathy for the county's immigrant community and a willingness to host a public town hall to address its concerns. After that meeting, Romani said Zanoni stopped responding to messages. On May 20, Zanoni told the Fresno County Board of Supervisors that the sheriff's office honored 102 of the 389 detainer requests it received from ICE in 2024 — sharp increases from his first year in office, when the agency received 204 immigration detainers and honored 39. Most supervisors championed the increased cooperation. 'We have seen people murdered, raped by these illegals, who traffic in children, drugs and sex,' said Supervisor Garry Bredefeld. 'And hopefully one day we continually elect people who will stop this in this state and make it safe.' None of the transferred people was accused of murder. Supervisor Luis Chavez asked how many sheriff's office investigations rely on victims and witnesses who are undocumented. Zanoni said he didn't have those numbers, that his deputies don't ask anyone's immigration status, that his office doesn't give ICE information the public doesn't have. 'There is no special pipeline,' said Zanoni, whose term was extended two years through 2028 after a judge ruled against Fresno County's bid to hold sheriff and district attorney elections during lower-turnout governor elections. 'This isn't about politics. This is about public safety.' On June 10, Zanoni became the only California sheriff to publicly endorse Trump's choice to activate the military in a U.S. state against its governor's will. Neither Amador County's sheriff, who said he would violate California's sanctuary laws in a county with few immigrants, nor Yuba County's sheriff, the last to let ICE rent his jail, released statements supporting the deployments. Trump, Zanoni said on Facebook, 'did what he had to do.' Gov. Gavin Newsom, he said, 'failed his duties.' 'A good person' On Feb. 15, ICE transported Garcia-Heredia to the Golden State Annex detention center in McFarland (Kern County), run by the GEO Group. Kathleen Kavanagh met him there on April 4 in a big, open room used for family visitations and, once a month, legal clinics hosted by the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice. Kavanagh, the Oakland nonprofit's supervising attorney, registered Garcia-Heredia's hair — dense, curly and whimsily half-bleached — and his youth. In a crowd of dozens, 'He stood out to me right away,' Kavanagh recalled. 'He looks and is incredibly young.' The two spoke Spanish, Garcia-Heredia telling Kavanagh what he had told her colleague: He came to the U.S. to escape gang violence. After he was granted entry to pursue asylum, he went to Chicago, found it too cold and headed west, landing farmwork in California's Central Valley. 'Someone like Yan did it the 'right way' more than anyone else could,' Kavanagh said. 'Yan followed all of those protocols. All of those rules. All of those background checks. He made every attempt to pursue asylum in a legal way. And the way the administration has reneged … it's unprecedented and so cruel.' Garcia-Heredia said it was at the for-profit detention center that he was first asked about Tren de Aragua. He said he was told his tattoos incriminated him. Garcia-Heredia has the names of his brothers and dead father tattooed on his arms. The names are dressed in crowns, Garcia-Heredia said, signifying 'the king of my life' whom he struggles to remember and 'the little princes' he hopes to see again. A cousin told Garcia-Heredia about ICE's March 26 Facebook post. ' ARRESTO Tren de Aragua,' the post read beside Garcia-Heredia's photo. 'Yan Ernesto García Heredia — robo y agresión con un arma de fuego.' Kavanagh said she became instantly worried on Garcia-Heredia's behalf. Just a few weeks earlier, on March 16, the U.S. transported 261 alleged Tren de Aragua and MS-13 members to El Salvador in a highly choreographed transfer that saw the men bent low, roughly marched into the country's terrorism confinement center, CECOT, shaved bald and put in cages. Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele posted a video on X, boasting that the deal with the U.S. would financially benefit his government and help the $200 million CECOT sustain itself through free prison labor. 'I was real with him that he was in a very dangerous situation,' said Kavanagh, whose organization sued the U.S. Department of State this month over its agreement with El Salvador, contending it violates constitutional protections of due process and against torture. 'Yan got swept up into something way bigger than him.' She handed him a document with the email address to the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights and a speed-dial code for the Executive Office for Immigration Review, the Justice Department agency that handles removal proceedings and appeals, and reiterated that he should use it if they moved him. At the top of the document, it said, 'This is a notification establishing that if I am transferred to Guantánamo Bay, or if ICE plans to remove me to a third country where I am not a citizen, I wish to have legal representation.' Ten days after that meeting, on April 14, Garcia-Heredia said, guards woke him before sunup and ignored his requests to retrieve the document. He said he was put in a van, driven to a big building, put in an icy cell with another Venezuelan man, put back in a van, driven for a long time, put on a plane with other men, flown in chains and relative silence to one location, then another, then another. He said he exited the plane and boarded a bus. An hour later, he left the bus in a single-file line, entered a dirt-yellow building and then a barred cell where he and the other men spent the night on the floor. They were at Bluebonnet in Anson, Texas, where 31 detainees would form a human 'SOS' in the dirt yard two weeks later, in a desperate attempt to prevent their expulsion to CECOT, Reuters reported. On April 15, a federal judge in California ordered the Trump administration to keep Garcia-Heredia in the country and within the judge's jurisdiction. When U.S. District Judge Kirk E. Sherriff, who was nominated by former President Joe Biden, learned that Garcia-Heredia was already in Texas, he ordered the government to explain why it had moved someone with a 'pending immigration proceeding before the Immigration Court in Adelanto, California,' and to say how frequently ICE does this to other detainees. But on May 22, the judge granted the Trump administration's request to dismiss the case. Writing that the 'cases raises important questions concerning the lawfulness of the President's invocation of the Alien Enemies Act,' Sherriff concluded that he couldn't hear the petition because the Trump administration had moved Garcia-Heredia from his jurisdiction when it was filed. The Lawyers' Committee appealed the ruling and accuses the federal government of forum shopping — transferring detainees to red-state jurisdictions in the hopes of arguing before sympathetic judges. Ironically, Garcia-Heredia won a reverse decision in immigration court, which said his removal proceedings can shift from El Paso to Adelanto, meaning he will argue for asylum in California and for his freedom in Texas. For now, he remains in a white-walled dormitory crowded with bunk beds, a table and two dozen men like him, from Venezuela, with tattoos they've been told are proof of criminality. Every day is dreary and absurd. It's sweltering inside and outside the facility. There is no library and not much to do. The guards shout orders and take away the detainees who don't obey quickly enough, he said. Sometimes they are gassed, he said. He sleeps on a thin mattress with a thin pillow. He eats bread and grains. He sees the outside world 90 minutes a day. He wears an old, torn uniform and doesn't think about how many other men wore it or what happened to them. 'Truly, I don't know what's going to happen next,' Garcia-Heredia said, his voice faint over the susurrous connection. 'In the future, I want to work, I want a family and I want to be a good person.' He would return to Fresno County if he could, he said. It will be a different place than he left, local activists say. Recent rumors of an ICE raid kept immigrants from a popular flea market. Grocery stores in Latino neighborhoods are empty, the ACLU's Romani said. The people who pick the produce are too scared to buy it. 'People are more afraid than they ever have been,' said Romani, a Fresno resident. In one of his court declarations, Garcia-Heredia said he is scared of Tren de Aragua, scared that ICE will deport him to CECOT, scared that his mother won't know how to find him. What does his mother tell him now? 'She tells me that she prays to God and that she's worried about me,' he told the Chronicle. 'I tell her that I'm still here and that I still have hope.'

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