
‘Raj township policy aims at affordable hsg, green devpt'
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"This policy is a blueprint for Rajasthan's urban future," said Sharma in an official statement.
The policy mandates inclusion of parks, green zones, and public utility spaces in all residential townships. Each project must earmark 7% of its land for parks and playgrounds and 8% for community services and utilities. Additionally, rainwater harvesting and wastewater recycling systems will be compulsory for all new developments.
A major highlight is the policy's Antyodaya vision, which prioritises affordable housing for the economically weaker sections (EWS) and lower-income groups (LIG). To further ease the lives of workers, industrial projects will now be required to reserve 5% of their land for labour housing, reducing commute times and enhancing productivity. To protect consumer interests, the policy introduces developer accountability mechanisms.
Developers must retain 2.5% of project land as collateral to ensure infrastructure maintenance for at least five years or until the handover to a Residents' Welfare Association (RWA).
Acknowledging the limitations of land in urban centres, the policy promotes vertical development and encourages high-rise residential projects, alongside mixed land-use plans. Group housing, plotted schemes, flat systems, commercial hubs, sub-city centres, and community spaces will be part of this integrated approach.
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For better urban mobility, the policy paves the way for the construction of large sector roads, following the Jaipur Development Authority's model. Land acquisition for these projects will be based on mutual consent to minimise disputes. In a significant push for renewable energy, the policy removes earlier restrictions on setting up solar and wind energy plants, even on land without formal road access in revenue records.
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Indian Express
an hour ago
- Indian Express
‘Terror and sports cannot go together': Congress on Asia Cup matches against Pakistan
The Chandigarh Congress has opposed the proposed India-Pakistan cricket matches scheduled to be held during the Asia Cup in September, urging the Union Government to withhold clearance for the fixtures. The party has argued that 'terror and sports cannot go together,' questioning the moral and strategic logic behind resuming cricket ties with Pakistan. Rajiv Sharma, chief spokesperson of the Chandigarh Congress, said that the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) has agreed to play against Pakistan at a neutral venue. He said the people of Chandigarh and other places in the country are upset with what he termed an 'unwarranted agreement,' particularly at a time when Operation Sindoor, launched in response to cross-border terrorism, is still ongoing. 'It is extremely disappointing that while not a single perpetrator of the Pahalgam attack has been brought to justice, the cricket boards of both nations are moving towards friendly sporting ties,' Sharma said. He warned that Indian sponsors' funds could inadvertently benefit the Pakistan Cricket Board, which, he claimed, may use the money to further terror activities against India. The Congress leader also questioned the BCCI's rationale behind opting for a neutral venue to accommodate Pakistan's interests, stating that India holds the right to host the tournament and should not compromise its position. Calling the decision an 'insult to the self-respect of the people of Chandigarh and the nation,' Sharma urged Chandigarh MP Manish Tewari to raise the issue in Parliament. He also slammed the office-bearers of the Union Territory Cricket Association for their silence on the matter, accusing them of compromising national pride for personal or political gains.
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First Post
6 hours ago
- First Post
Distortions, doublespeak and jizya: Whitewashing history, weaponising academia
Real academic integrity lies not in defending invaders or denying civilisational trauma, but in projecting history as it is—unflinchingly, honestly, and fairly read more In the contemporary academic climate of Bharat, there has been a fast—and easy—way to success, whether on university panels, prime-time news shows, or within elite publishing circles. And it is not through rigorous research or balanced inquiry, but through ideological conformity to a post-colonial, Left-'liberal' consensus. This consensus views Bharat's civilisational heritage with suspicion, dismisses native resistance to invaders, and negationises historical atrocities—especially those committed in the name of Islam. Ruchika Sharma, a Delhi-based self-proclaimed historian and YouTuber, has recently emerged as the most visible face opposing the NCERT's 'revision' of history textbooks. Much like Audrey Truschke on the global stage—who tried to rehabilitate Aurangzeb as a misunderstood ruler—Sharma has gained sudden national prominence by dismissing historical Islamic violence, trivialising religiously motivated atrocities like jizya, and drawing false moral equivalences between native Hindu dynasties and foreign Islamic invaders. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Manufacturing Outrage The trigger for Sharma's recent media storm was her vocal opposition to the NCERT's revisions, particularly its explanation of jizya—a tax historically imposed on non-Muslims under Islamic rule. Sharma seemed outraged by the idea that jizya was used to pressure Hindus into conversion, branding the claim a 'baseless myth'. She even announced plans to file a Right to Information (RTI) request to challenge the educational content. Her stance is remarkable—not because it is new and ground-breaking, but because it's fictitious and fabricated. The Quran itself, in Surah At-Tawbah (9:29), mandates: 'Fight those who do not believe in Allah… until they pay the jizya with willing submission and feel themselves subdued.' This verse is not obscure; it is widely cited by classical Islamic jurists—including Imam Malik, Abu Hanifa, and Al-Shafi'i—as the foundational directive for the imposition of jizya. Importantly, the condition that the payer must feel 'subdued' was not metaphorical. In theology, jizya only lapses on death or on acceptance of Islam. Seized by the Collar Medieval Muslim scholars such as Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, Mulla Ahmad, and Shah Waliullah left little room for ambiguity. Sirhindi wrote: 'The real purpose of levying the jizya is to humiliate the non-Muslims… to such an extent that they may not be able to dress well or live in grandeur… and thus remain terrified and trembling.' Western scholars echoed the same. NP Aghnides, an authority on Islamic finance, wrote in Muhammadan Theories of Finance: '…the main object in levying the (jizya) tax is the subjection of the infidels to humiliation… the Zimmi is seized by the collar and vigorously shaken and pulled about in order to show him his degradation.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Mirat-i-Ahmadi, a history of Gujarat written by Ali Mohammed Khan, an imperial dewan at Ahmedabad, clearly explains how jizya should be collected: 'The collector of jizya should collect it from a zimmi in this manner: A zimmi should himself come to pay it. He should come on foot. The collector should sit while the zimmi should stand. The collector should place his hand over the hand of the zimmi saying, 'I take jizya, oh! Zimmi.' It should not be accepted when sent indirectly through his deputy…' Rulers like Firoz Shah Tughlaq and Aurangzeb openly used jizya to coerce conversions. In Fatuhat-i-Firoz Shahi, for instance, Tughlaq recounts: 'I encouraged my infidel subjects to embrace the religion of the Prophet… Every day Hindus presented themselves and were exonerated from the jizya upon converting.' Similarly, European traveller Niccolao Manucci observed of Aurangzeb: 'Many Hindus who were unable to pay jizya turned Muhammadan to obtain relief from the insults of the collectors… Aurangzeb rejoices.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Still, Dr Sharma sees nothing religious or discriminatory about jizya. Inventing False Equivalences The Leftist defence of jizya isn't an aberration. It's part of a larger pattern—a tendency to defend Islamist violence and vandalism, or, when indefensible, to dilute it through strained comparisons with Hindu rulers. This explains why some Leftist historians have made a career out of inventing the idea of an intolerant Hindu king—one who would destroy not only rival temples but also Buddhist viharas—based on dubious records and selective interpretation. Yes, Hindu kings went to war, and yes, violence was committed. But such acts were primarily political, directed against rival powers—not against entire religious communities as a matter of religious doctrine. By contrast, Islamic invaders and rulers—from Muhammad bin Qasim onwards—targeted Hindu religious institutions systematically and ideologically. Temple destruction was not a collateral consequence of war; it was often its central goal, sanctioned by theology and justified by the Islamic concept of kufr. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Sharma's narrative fits neatly into the dominant woke-Leftist framework that dominates humanities and social sciences departments across Bharat and the West, including in the capitalist United States. This worldview rests on four pillars: Downplaying Islamic imperialism; exaggerating caste-based, gender-based oppression within Hinduism; framing Bharat's civilisational resurgence as majoritarianism; and, treating any historical correction as 'saffronisation'. In this paradigm, those who defend Akbar, dismiss Hindu grievances, or mock textbook revisions are instantly celebrated as 'moderate voices of reason'. Meanwhile, those who point to inconvenient truths—like the religious basis of jizya or the genocide at Chittorgarh—are labelled 'communal', 'majoritarian', or 'unacademic'. Conclusion History is not mythology. It is not a tool to validate fashionable Leftist-wokeist ideologies, serve electoral agendas, or push secular façades. Nor should it be weaponised to shame an entire civilisation into silence. Ruchika Sharma has every right to file RTIs. But it is astonishing that she remains unaware of the overwhelming evidence already available—in the Quran, in Fatawa-i-Alamgiri, in the writings of Sirhindi, and in the policies of Aurangzeb and Firoz Tughlaq. Perhaps she is too blinded by ideology to see the truth. (This is not surprising given her adulation for Wendy Doniger and her book, The Hindu—a book so perversely biased that if a Hindu had written The Muslim with a similar tone, it would be instantly branded Islamophobic.) Or, perhaps she simply doesn't know the truth—which then raises serious questions about her credentials as a 'historian'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Whatever the case, the time has come to free history from the suffocating hangover of the Leftist-wokeist cocktail. Real academic integrity lies not in defending invaders or denying civilisational trauma, but in projecting history as it is—unflinchingly, honestly, and fairly. Only then can one build a genuinely inclusive and truthful national narrative. The writer is the author of the book, 'Eminent Distorians: Twists and Truths in Bharat's History', published early this year by BluOne Ink publications. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.


India.com
a day ago
- India.com
NHRC Issues Notice To Rajasthan Govt Over Jhalawar School Building Collapse That Killed 7 Students
The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), India, has taken suo motu cognisance of a deeply disturbing incident involving the collapse of a government school building in Jhalawar district, Rajasthan, on 25th July 2025. The tragedy claimed the lives of seven young students and left 28 others severely injured, raising grave concerns over infrastructure safety and administrative accountability. According to media reports, local residents had repeatedly warned the district authorities about the building's deteriorating condition, but no preventive action was taken. This apparent negligence has prompted the NHRC to intervene, observing that if the media reports are accurate, the case reflects a significant failure in the duty of care owed to students. In response, the Commission has issued formal notices to the Chief Secretary of Rajasthan and the Superintendent of Police in Jhalawar. These officials have been directed to provide a detailed report within two weeks, covering various aspects of the incident. The report is expected to outline the current medical condition of the injured students and specify the compensation provided to the families of the deceased. It should also address whether disciplinary action has been initiated against any officials deemed responsible for the negligence and what preventive steps have been taken to avoid similar tragedies in the future. The NHRC emphasises the urgent need for structural audits of school buildings throughout Rajasthan and a comprehensive reassessment of safety measures across public educational institutions. Prior to this, the Rajasthan government has decided to prioritise the repair of dilapidated school buildings, government institutions, and Anganwadi centres across the state. The decision was taken during a review meeting chaired by Chief Minister Bhajanlal Sharma. The Chief Minister announced that the permissible allocation under the Dang, Magra, and Mewat Regional Development Plan for the repair of government institutions, including school buildings and Anganwadi centres, would be increased from 15 per cent to 20 per cent.