Trump's court win opens a path to clear hurdles to his agenda
[WASHINGTON, DC] The US Supreme Court's ruling curbing the power of judges to block government actions on a nationwide basis has raised questions about whether dozens of orders that have halted US President Donald Trump's policies will stand.
The conservative majority's ruling Friday (Jun 27) came in a fight over Trump's plan to limit automatic birthright citizenship. But it may have far-reaching consequences for the ability of US courts to issue orders that apply to anyone affected by a policy, not just the parties who filed lawsuits.
Judges entered nationwide preliminary orders halting Trump administration actions in at least four dozen of the 400 lawsuits filed since he took office in January, according to a Bloomberg News analysis. Some were later put on hold on appeal.
Nationwide orders currently in place include blocks on the administration's revocation of foreign students' legal status, freezes of domestic spending and foreign aid, funding cuts related to gender-affirming care and legal services for migrant children, and proof-of-citizenship rules for voting.
The Supreme Court's new precedent doesn't instantly invalidate injunctions in those cases. But the Justice Department could quickly ask federal judges to revisit the scope of these and other earlier orders in light of the opinion.
'Fair game'
'Everything is fair game,' said Dan Huff, a lawyer who served in the White House counsel's office during Trump's first term.
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A Justice Department spokesperson did not immediately return a request for comment. Trump said at a press conference in the White House Friday that the administration will 'promptly file to proceed with numerous policies that have been wrongly enjoined on a nationwide basis'.
Trump listed cases that they would target, including suspending refugee resettlement, freezing unnecessary funding and 'stopping federal taxpayers from paying for transgender surgeries'.
The Trump administration has made it a priority to contest court orders that block policies on a nationwide, or universal, basis, although the controversy over whether those types of rulings are an appropriate use of judicial power has been brewing for years. Conservative advocates won such orders when Democratic presidents were in office as well.
Noting the mounting pushback and debate, judges in dozens of other cases involving Trump's policies have limited their orders against the administration to the parties that sued or within certain geographical boundaries.
Anastasia Boden, a senior attorney at the Pacific Legal Foundation whose practice includes suing the federal government, said she didn't see the ruling as a total 'retreat' from judges' authority to enter universal orders going forward.
Multiple paths
'It's addressing the case where a plaintiff is getting relief that applies to everyone across the country merely because judges think that it's an important issue,' she said. 'But it doesn't change the case where the plaintiff needs that relief.'
Boden offered the example of a challenge to government spending, in which the only way to halt an unlawful action would be to stop payment of federal dollars across the country, not just to individual plaintiffs or in certain areas.
Trump's opponents say the justices' decision still leaves them with multiple paths to sue the administration over actions they contend are unlawful and even to argue for nationwide relief.
Those options include class action lawsuits, cases seeking to set aside agency actions under a US law known as the Administrative Procedure Act and even continuing to argue that nationwide relief is the only way to stop harm to individual plaintiffs, like parties did in the birthright citizenship cases.
But they also acknowledged the court significantly raised the burden of what they have to prove to win those types of orders.
'This is going to make it more challenging, more complicated, potentially more expensive to seek orders that more broadly stop illegal government action,' Cody Wofsy, deputy director of the ACLU Immigrants' Rights Project, said. 'It is watering down the power of federal courts to check government misconduct.'
The Supreme Court sent the birthright citizenship cases back to lower court judges to reconsider the scope of orders pausing Trump's restrictions while the legal fight on its constitutionality continues. The justices did not rule on the core question of whether the policy itself is lawful. The administration can't fully enforce the birthright policy for at least another 30 days.
Democratic state attorneys general involved in the birthright litigation highlighted language in Justice Amy Coney Barrett's majority opinion that the court didn't shut off the possibility that the states could still successfully argue for a nationwide order.
Speaking with reporters after the ruling, New Jersey Attorney General Matthew Platkin said he and his Democratic colleagues would 'assess' the impact on other cases. He said they already had been judicious in asking judges for nationwide relief as opposed to orders that restricted administration policies in specific states.
'The court confirmed what we've thought all along – nationwide relief should be limited, but it is available to states when appropriate,' Platkin said. BLOOMBERG
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Straits Times
2 hours ago
- Straits Times
Conscription, once buried, returns to the debate at a turning point in Germany's defence arrangement
Apart from efforts to attract volunteers, the idea of reinstating conscription – suspended in 2011 – is now in the spotlight. PHOTO: SERGEY PONOMAREV/NYTIMES Conscription, once buried, returns to the debate at a turning point in Germany's defence arrangement – The Bundeswehr seems to be everywhere in Germany these days – on posters, sandwich wrappers, in television adverts and across social media. The German military sends personalised postcards to hundreds of thousands of 16 and 17-year-olds and promises 'exclusive experiences' and 'up-close impressions' at open days aimed at enticing them to sign on. Since the start of Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022 in what Germany calls its Zeitenwende – a historic turning point – the military has launched a major image campaign. The reason is simple: Far too few young Germans are volunteering for service. Apart from efforts to attract volunteers, the idea of reinstating conscription – suspended in 2011 – is now in the spotlight at a time when the German military budget is set to rise significantly in the coming years. At its recent summit, Nato acceded to US President Donald Trump's demand that European allies vastly increase defence spending to 5 per cent of their respective gross domestic product (GDP) from the erstwhile 2 per cent expectation. Seen as a Cold War relic at the time, Germany's conscription system was suspended in the wake of professionalisation trends across Nato and a waning perception of immediate military threat, particularly from Russia. The Bundeswehr was streamlined, and defence policy pivoted towards international missions and soft power. By the time of its suspension, mandatory service had already been reduced to just six months and applied to only a fraction of eligible recruits. Questions about both the duration and fairness of the draft process undermined its legitimacy, leading to its indefinite suspension. Things changed, however, when Moscow annexed Crimea and occupied the Donbas in eastern Ukraine in 2014 and then unleashed a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Russia is now again a security threat, with the German military short of funds, arms and troops. Moreover, the US, with Mr Trump's appeasement approach towards Russian President Vladimir Putin, is no longer a reliable ally. Germany has committed the funds towards beefing up its military but needs to address the shortage of fighting men. 'We need conscription again,' said Lieutenant-General Alfons Mais, Germany's army chief, at the Munich Security Conference in February. 'Our goals can't be achieved otherwise.' One of those goals, set by Defence Minister Boris Pistorius, is for the Bundeswehr to grow to 260,000 troops from the current 182,000 within a decade, ready for high-intensity warfare. This would bring the Bundeswehr to around its strength at the turn of the 21st century, when it had about 250,000 troops, but still short of the more than 500,000 at the end of the Cold War in the late 1980s. Mr Pistorius is currently banking on a revamped voluntary service model to reverse the Bundeswehr's recruitment shortfall. Under the new initiative, set to begin in the latter half of 2025, all 18-year-old men will receive a questionnaire to assess their willingness and fitness for military service. Those who express interest may be called in for further screening, with the goal of gradually increasing the number of full-time soldiers and reservists. The programme offers several incentives: Recruits can earn a monthly base salary starting at around € 1,800 (S$2,700), receive free accommodation, healthcare and training, and are given pathways to civilian careers within the Bundeswehr system. However, Mr Pistorius has made it clear that if the voluntary route fails to meet Germany's ambitious personnel goals, he will not hesitate to push for a return to mandatory conscription. 'If we don't succeed voluntarily, we will have to consider other steps,' he warned at an interview in May, signalling a significant cultural shift in Germany's post-Cold War defence policy. Germany projects that its defence expenditure would more than double from € 62.4 billion in 2025 to € 152.8 billion by 2029. Of the eventual 5 per cent of its GDP invested in defence, Chancellor Friedrich Merz aims to spend 1.5 per cent on dual-use infrastructure and 3.5 per cent directly on the Bundeswehr. To unlock this funding, the new German government had pushed through a constitutional amendment enabling significant new borrowing – underscoring the urgency and importance of this policy change. Dissent among politicians Against the backdrop of the broader debate on national defence, it is perhaps of little surprise that many observers are rubbing their eyes in disbelief. Is it really Germany – of all countries, the one responsible for two world wars in the last century – that is now setting out to build one of the most powerful armies in Europe once again? A group of Social Democrats led by former parliamentary leader Rolf Mutzenich recently published a paper protesting against the massive increase in defence spending, while rejecting the stationing of US long-range weapons on German soil. They also called for a renewed policy of cooperation with Russia, harking back to the generally cooperative relations between Germany and Russia in the two decades after the Cold War. The Social Democratic Party is part of the current ruling coalition led by Mr Merz's Christian Democratic Union. 'This paper is a denial of reality. It exploits the people's understandable desire for an end to the terrible war in Ukraine,' Mr Pistorius, himself a Social Democrat, said in June in an interview with the German Press Agency. Russia's invasion of Ukraine is perceived by most European states as an existential threat. 2022 pushed the German political class – and much of Europe's as well – into making a long-overdue U-turn, expanding defence spending to rebuild the long-neglected armed forces of Europe's largest economy. That rebuilding will not be easy. Speaking shortly after Mr Putin's Ukraine invasion began, Lt-Gen Mais had said the Bundeswehr stood 'more or less bare' after years of austerity and had only limited options in the face of Russia. That reality, he confirmed at February's Munich Security Conference, has not fundamentally changed. 'We're not in a good place,' he added. 'We're suffering from the loss of equipment sent to Ukraine and from painfully slow structural reform.' Challenges of rapid change To now quickly scale up the army and increase troop numbers would require new infrastructure. This is because dozens of military bases have closed, with barracks turned into residential housing. All 52 local conscription offices were shut down in 2012 – replaced by slimmed-down career centres and advisory hubs tailored to the reduced ambition. Mr Paul Wohlfahrt, 27, a reservist in the mountain infantry, is sceptical of such rapid German military expansion plans. 'Before we even talk about conscription, we need the infrastructure in place,' he told The Straits Times. 'Even now, not every soldier has a bed or a room – many go home to sleep. So where are we going to house new recruits?' He claims that numerous applicants have already been turned away due to a lack of capacity. While the Bundeswehr is tight-lipped about such claims, there are a number of reports on this, including one from public service broadcaster ZDF quoting internal papers of the reservists' association as saying that it is 'critical of the fact that interested reservists are now being put off for so long'. Mr Wohlfahrt completed his service in 2016/17 and has regularly taken part in reserve exercises since. He believes making voluntary service more attractive would be a better path than reintroducing conscription. 'If I have to wait six to twelve months for a response after applying, I'll just take a job in the private sector,' he said. Mass deficit But increasing troop numbers is only one part of the challenge. The Bundeswehr must also decide what kind of force it wants to be: a territorial army capable of defending Germany from attack, a high-tech military focused on drones and cyber warfare – or both. 'Only what is physically present in Central and Eastern Europe can deter an enemy,' Mr Hans-Peter Bartels, a former parliamentary commissioner for the German armed forces, said earlier in 2025, referring to the importance of having tanks and troops on the ground. 'Germany has to provide mass. And right now, that's missing.' His remarks underscore the urgency of building not just capability, but also visible presence – boots on the ground, tanks in the field. To ramp up production of military equipment and weapons, Germany's defence companies seeking to increase capacity are looking to cooperate with the country's languishing car industry. German army recruiters set up a tent and an armoured vehicle at a go-kart race in Germany on May 25. PHOTO: SERGEY PONOMAREV/NYTIMES It was reported in March that Rheinmetall, Germany's largest arms producer, was repurposing two plants making automotive parts to manufacture defence equipment. In early 2025, Hensoldt, a radar and sensor specialist, took over some workers from Continental when the car parts maker closed one of its plants in the town of Wetzlar. Recently, Germany's largest carmaker Volkswagen signalled that it would be ready to offer industrial expertise and strategic consultancy to support military vehicle manufacturers. The nuclear question There is also the issue of nuclear deterrence, given that Russia is a nuclear-armed power. Germany's and Europe's security situation has become more precarious because Mr Trump has repeatedly cast doubt on whether America would honour Nato's collective defence clause – Article 5 – in the event of an attack. His appeasement approach towards Mr Putin, along with America's ambiguous stance on Ukraine , has sowed further doubt. So what would European security look like without the US and without the American nuclear umbrella? While Britain has explicitly placed its nuclear forces at Nato's disposal, France has deliberately kept its nuclear forces, the so-called 'Force de Frappe', under national command and not part of Nato's nuclear planning group. But even if France were willing, would its stockpile of roughly 300 warheads suffice as credible deterrence? Within Germany, public sentiment has shifted noticeably since Russia's invasion of Ukraine. While pacifist instincts remain strong among many Germans, recent polls indicate growing support for national defence efforts. A YouGov/dpa survey from 2024 showed that more than half of the population favours reintroducing some form of conscription, particularly among older Germans , although support remains lower among the 18-29 age group. Nevertheless, the war has left a mark on younger Germans as well: There is a visible uptick in interest in defence-sector careers, especially in technical and logistical roles. Companies like Rheinmetall and Airbus Defence report increased applications, and more young professionals view work in security-related fields as both meaningful and future-oriented. Mr Wohlfahrt believes that there is a rising sense of urgency among Germans that having an operational defence is of the essence. 'Step by step, soldiers are realising that change is under way. It may be slow, but at least something is happening,' he said. Markus Ziener is a professor at Media University Berlin and writes on political and security issues. Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.


CNA
3 hours ago
- CNA
US Senate Republicans aim to push ahead on Trump's sweeping tax-cut, spending Bill
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Straits Times
4 hours ago
- Straits Times
US immigrants scramble for clarity after Supreme Court birthright ruling
That outcome has raised more questions than answers about a right long understood to be guaranteed under the US Constitution. PHOTO: REUTERS WASHINGTON - The US Supreme Court's ruling tied to birthright citizenship prompted confusion and phone calls to lawyers as people who could be affected tried to process a convoluted legal decision with major humanitarian implications. The court's conservative majority on June 27 granted President Donald Trump his request to curb federal judges' power but did not decide the legality of his bid to restrict birthright citizenship. That outcome has raised more questions than answers about a right long understood to be guaranteed under the US Constitution: that anyone born in the United States is considered a citizen at birth, regardless of their parents' citizenship or legal status. Ms Lorena, a 24-year-old Colombian asylum seeker who lives in Houston and is due to give birth in September, pored over media reports on June 27 morning. She was looking for details about how her baby might be affected, but said she was left confused and worried. 'There are not many specifics,' said Ms Lorena, who like others interviewed by Reuters asked to be identified by her first name out of fear for her safety. 'I don't understand it well.' She is concerned that her baby could end up with no nationality. 'I don't know if I can give her mine,' she said. 'I also don't know how it would work, if I can add her to my asylum case. I don't want her to be adrift with no nationality.' Mr Trump, a Republican, issued an order after taking office in January that directed US agencies to refuse to recognize the citizenship of children born in the US who do not have at least one parent who is an American citizen or lawful permanent resident. The order was blocked by three separate US district court judges, sending the case on a path to the Supreme Court. The resulting decision said Mr Trump's policy could go into effect in 30 days but appeared to leave open the possibility of further proceedings in the lower courts that could keep the policy blocked. On June 27 afternoon, plaintiffs filed an amended lawsuit in federal court in Maryland seeking to establish a nationwide class of people whose children could be denied citizenship. If they are not blocked nationwide, the restrictions could be applied in the 28 states that did not contest them in court, creating 'an extremely confusing patchwork' across the country, according to Ms Kathleen Bush-Joseph, a policy analyst for the non-partisan Migration Policy Institute. 'Would individual doctors, individual hospitals be having to try to figure out how to determine the citizenship of babies and their parents?' she said. The drive to restrict birthright citizenship is part of Mr Trump's broader immigration crackdown, and he has framed automatic citizenship as a magnet for people to come to give birth. 'Hundreds of thousands of people are pouring into our country under birthright citizenship, and it wasn't meant for that reason,' he said during a White House press briefing on June 27. Immigration advocates and lawyers in some Republican-led states said they received calls from a wide range of pregnant immigrants and their partners following the ruling. They were grappling with how to explain it to clients who could be dramatically affected, given all the unknowns of how future litigation would play out or how the executive order would be implemented state by state. Ms Lynn Tramonte, director of the Ohio Immigrant Alliance said she got a call on June 27 from an East Asian temporary visa holder with a pregnant wife. He was anxious because Ohio is not one of the plaintiff states and wanted to know how he could protect his child's rights. 'He kept stressing that he was very interested in the rights included in the Constitution,' she said. Advocates underscored the gravity of Mr Trump's restrictions, which would block an estimated 150,000 children born in the US annually from receiving automatic citizenship. 'It really creates different classes of people in the country with different types of rights,' said Ms Juliana Macedo do Nascimento, a spokesperson for the immigrant rights organisation United We Dream. 'That is really chaotic.' Adding uncertainty, the Supreme Court ruled that members of two plaintiff groups in the litigation - CASA, an immigrant advocacy service in Maryland, and the Asylum Seeker Advocacy Project - would still be covered by lower court blocks on the policy. Whether someone in a state where Mr Trump's policy could go into effect could join one of the organizations to avoid the restrictions or how state or federal officials would check for membership remained unclear. Ms Betsy, a US citizen who recently graduated from high school in Virginia and a CASA member, said both of her parents came to the US from El Salvador two decades ago and lacked legal status when she was born. 'I feel like it targets these innocent kids who haven't even been born,' she said, declining to give her last name for concerns over her family's safety. Ms Nivida, a Honduran asylum seeker in Louisiana, is a member of the Asylum Seeker Advocacy Project and recently gave birth. She heard on June 27 from a friend without legal status who is pregnant and wonders about the situation under Louisiana's Republican governor, since the state is not one of those fighting Trump's order. 'She called me very worried and asked what's going to happen,' she said. 'If her child is born in Louisiana … is the baby going to be a citizen?' REUTERS Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.