
Slow-motion denialism — our leaders are allowing the HIV response to collapse
Tragically, we have politicians showing the same disregard for despairing public health experts sounding the alarm and civil society's calls for engagement. Treasury's token contribution, President Cyril Ramaphosa's and the Government of National Unity's (GNU) silence, Deputy President Paul Mashatile's empty promises and Health Minister Dr Aaron Motsoaledi's fabricated success, mean the current child and adult deaths and unnecessary infections are mounting.
Exactly six months after the abrupt withdrawal of billions of rands in support to South Africa from the US President's Emergency Plan for Aids Relief (Pepfar), there is still no plan.
In May, in response to concerns about HIV service weaknesses, Motsoaledi claimed 520,000 people were initiated on HIV treatment between February and April, a number already almost halfway towards his 'Close the Gap' campaign target. This remarkable success claimed by the minister occurred during a collapse in funding, staffing and testing, and was achieved simply with 'roadshows' and unnamed community programmes.
This would represent one of the most remarkable HIV global service delivery achievements yet, given three months of massive funding withdrawal and service collapse.
Yet, in the past few weeks:
National Health Laboratory Services data shows CD4 test volumes are down sharply from 2024. If more people were entering care, these numbers would rise. This is the clearest indicator we have that far fewer people are entering care. The minister's claim that more than 500,000 people were added to the number on HIV treatment is thus implausible;
New data from Johannesburg show HIV diagnoses and people starting treatment are down nearly one-third since Pepfar's withdrawal. In Gauteng, the province with the highest HIV burden, the minister's 520,000 number should be immediately reflected in numbers like these. Yet we are seeing the numbers go down rather than up;
Community monitors from Ritshidze – an organisation that monitors the ARV programme – report steep drops in testing, medicine pickups and staff capacity in government facilities offering HIV services. 'Do more with less' is not a realistic strategy to address this;
Early infant diagnosis rates have somewhat recovered, too late for many. Infants with HIV have extremely high mortality. These are the bodies behind the pause the minister refuses to call a collapse;
A report by Avac, an HIV advocacy organisation, showed most key population programmes have been terminated. 'Key populations' refers to groups at particularly high risk of HIV such as sex workers and men who have sex with men. The government claimed that the patient files from the clinics that provided services to key populations have been transferred to other clinics. But staff at some of the defunded organisations providing these services have told me, despairingly, that key population clinic files now sit, unopened, in overwhelmed clinics;
The Clinical HIV Research Unit in Johannesburg shut its cervical cancer screening and prevention clinic in June; and
The Global Fund, our significant remaining donor, cut funding to South Africa's current grants by 16%, reducing it by R1.4-billion. The Treasury 'emergency' funding announced last week amounts to roughly half of what the Global Fund cut, and only 6% of the Pepfar cut.
Repeated offers of help and pleas for meetings and consultations from local experts and civil society have been ignored by the country's leaders. This includes a letter signed by numerous organisations and individuals from across the country's most respected institutions, setting 7 July as a deadline for a response.
Constant promises that the 'plans' for mitigating the HIV programme will be released have not materialised. Reassurances that provinces are getting support is not being experienced by any of the provincial colleagues I speak to.
Mashatile has doubled down on the 520,000 number, telling Parliament that the withdrawal of Pepfar funding 'has spurred on' the government to become more 'self-reliant', using BRICS, Lotto and domestic funding to plug the gap, with no details as to how this will happen. He claimed no patient will suffer, despite local studies warning of massive waves of new deaths and infections, multiple anecdotes in the press to the contrary, and submissions by public figures to the Portfolio Committee on Health on service interruptions.
Both Mashatile and Motsoaledi have repeatedly lamented, correctly, the severe reliance of our health system on external donors, but have not acknowledged that they have been fully responsible for the health system for almost all of Pepfar's existence.
Concerned academics directly responsible for shaping the Department of Health's HIV response, who have called for the minister to explain his 520,000 figure, have not been answered.
This crisis is fixable. It requires immediate reinvestment in defunded organisations, the rehiring of experienced managers and an honest medium-term plan for service integration within our health system. None of this is happening.
There is no urgency, no leadership and no public plan. Motsoaledi says there is 'no collapse' but patients are dying without diagnosis, and others are acquiring HIV without prevention. Call it what you want. The system is failing. The minister's claims of 'no collapse' ring hollow for the people left stranded with no services, waiting to die for want of a diagnosis and treatment, or unnecessarily contracting HIV for lack of effective prevention.
Recent local modelling has shown the Pepfar collapse may result in tens of thousands of preventable deaths, if services are not replaced. The Ramaphosa-Motsoaledi-GNU era risks a ruined legacy, not for failing to stop this crisis, but for pretending it wasn't happening. DM
Professor Francois Venter is a clinician researcher at Wits University. He led a large Pepfar programme until 2012 and has had a support role since then. He and his unit do not receive Pepfar, CDC or USAID funding.
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Daily Maverick
7 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Slow-motion denialism — our leaders are allowing the HIV response to collapse
South Africa is staging a sequel to Mbeki-era denialism, only this time the science, solutions and costs are clearer. Tragically, we have politicians showing the same disregard for despairing public health experts sounding the alarm and civil society's calls for engagement. Treasury's token contribution, President Cyril Ramaphosa's and the Government of National Unity's (GNU) silence, Deputy President Paul Mashatile's empty promises and Health Minister Dr Aaron Motsoaledi's fabricated success, mean the current child and adult deaths and unnecessary infections are mounting. Exactly six months after the abrupt withdrawal of billions of rands in support to South Africa from the US President's Emergency Plan for Aids Relief (Pepfar), there is still no plan. In May, in response to concerns about HIV service weaknesses, Motsoaledi claimed 520,000 people were initiated on HIV treatment between February and April, a number already almost halfway towards his 'Close the Gap' campaign target. This remarkable success claimed by the minister occurred during a collapse in funding, staffing and testing, and was achieved simply with 'roadshows' and unnamed community programmes. This would represent one of the most remarkable HIV global service delivery achievements yet, given three months of massive funding withdrawal and service collapse. Yet, in the past few weeks: National Health Laboratory Services data shows CD4 test volumes are down sharply from 2024. If more people were entering care, these numbers would rise. This is the clearest indicator we have that far fewer people are entering care. The minister's claim that more than 500,000 people were added to the number on HIV treatment is thus implausible; New data from Johannesburg show HIV diagnoses and people starting treatment are down nearly one-third since Pepfar's withdrawal. In Gauteng, the province with the highest HIV burden, the minister's 520,000 number should be immediately reflected in numbers like these. Yet we are seeing the numbers go down rather than up; Community monitors from Ritshidze – an organisation that monitors the ARV programme – report steep drops in testing, medicine pickups and staff capacity in government facilities offering HIV services. 'Do more with less' is not a realistic strategy to address this; Early infant diagnosis rates have somewhat recovered, too late for many. Infants with HIV have extremely high mortality. These are the bodies behind the pause the minister refuses to call a collapse; A report by Avac, an HIV advocacy organisation, showed most key population programmes have been terminated. 'Key populations' refers to groups at particularly high risk of HIV such as sex workers and men who have sex with men. The government claimed that the patient files from the clinics that provided services to key populations have been transferred to other clinics. But staff at some of the defunded organisations providing these services have told me, despairingly, that key population clinic files now sit, unopened, in overwhelmed clinics; The Clinical HIV Research Unit in Johannesburg shut its cervical cancer screening and prevention clinic in June; and The Global Fund, our significant remaining donor, cut funding to South Africa's current grants by 16%, reducing it by R1.4-billion. The Treasury 'emergency' funding announced last week amounts to roughly half of what the Global Fund cut, and only 6% of the Pepfar cut. Repeated offers of help and pleas for meetings and consultations from local experts and civil society have been ignored by the country's leaders. This includes a letter signed by numerous organisations and individuals from across the country's most respected institutions, setting 7 July as a deadline for a response. Constant promises that the 'plans' for mitigating the HIV programme will be released have not materialised. Reassurances that provinces are getting support is not being experienced by any of the provincial colleagues I speak to. Mashatile has doubled down on the 520,000 number, telling Parliament that the withdrawal of Pepfar funding 'has spurred on' the government to become more 'self-reliant', using BRICS, Lotto and domestic funding to plug the gap, with no details as to how this will happen. He claimed no patient will suffer, despite local studies warning of massive waves of new deaths and infections, multiple anecdotes in the press to the contrary, and submissions by public figures to the Portfolio Committee on Health on service interruptions. Both Mashatile and Motsoaledi have repeatedly lamented, correctly, the severe reliance of our health system on external donors, but have not acknowledged that they have been fully responsible for the health system for almost all of Pepfar's existence. Concerned academics directly responsible for shaping the Department of Health's HIV response, who have called for the minister to explain his 520,000 figure, have not been answered. This crisis is fixable. It requires immediate reinvestment in defunded organisations, the rehiring of experienced managers and an honest medium-term plan for service integration within our health system. None of this is happening. There is no urgency, no leadership and no public plan. Motsoaledi says there is 'no collapse' but patients are dying without diagnosis, and others are acquiring HIV without prevention. Call it what you want. The system is failing. The minister's claims of 'no collapse' ring hollow for the people left stranded with no services, waiting to die for want of a diagnosis and treatment, or unnecessarily contracting HIV for lack of effective prevention. Recent local modelling has shown the Pepfar collapse may result in tens of thousands of preventable deaths, if services are not replaced. The Ramaphosa-Motsoaledi-GNU era risks a ruined legacy, not for failing to stop this crisis, but for pretending it wasn't happening. DM Professor Francois Venter is a clinician researcher at Wits University. He led a large Pepfar programme until 2012 and has had a support role since then. He and his unit do not receive Pepfar, CDC or USAID funding.

IOL News
10 hours ago
- IOL News
Cyril Ramaphosa's bold move: Dismissing Nkabane to secure the Appropriation Bill
President Cyril Ramaphosa gives in to DA pressure to save the budget vote. Image: GCIS President Cyril Ramaphosa was compelled to yield to the DA's pressure to dismiss Higher Education Minister Nobuhle Nkabane to secure the Appropriation Bill's passage on Wednesday. Ramaphosa's move comes ahead of the National Assembly's vote on the Appropriation Bill, which allocates funding to each national department. The DA had threatened to withhold support for Nkabane's departmental budget following allegations of misconduct and misleading Parliament regarding appointments to Sector Education and Training Authority (SETA) boards. Following Nkabane's dismissal, the DA's spokesperson, Willie Aucamp, confirmed on Tuesday that they would vote with the ANC in every department, paving the way for the Appropriation Bill to pass without major challenges. Video Player is loading. 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Next Stay Close ✕ The ANC, as well as ministers in the Presidency, Khumbudzo Ntshavheni, and Human Settlements, Thembi Simelane, have found temporary relief after Nkabane's axing. This follows the DA's confirmation that the party would vote with them for their respective departments but would pursue them over corruption allegations. 'Our caucus met this afternoon, and we have decided that we will support the other departmental budgets. So the DA will support the total budget. 'The axing of minister Nkabane came after relentless pressure from the DA on the president to get rid of the minister.' However, Aucamp said the party would keep applying pressure on the president to get rid of anybody in his government who is implicated in corruption, either by the Zondo Commission or through the VBS Bank looting scheme. Outgoing Higher Education and Training Minister Nobuhle Nkabane faced intense scrutiny, particularly for her alleged misleading of Parliament regarding the process of appointing the SETA board members. Image: GCIS 'The DA will keep on doing that, but we will support this budget,' Aucamp said. The Appropriation Bill requires 201 of 400 votes in the National Assembly. With the DA's support, the Bill is likely to pass without significant hurdles. Opposition parties, who cited her alleged misconduct and disregard for public service, welcomed Nkabane's removal. Buti Manamela, one of Nkabane's deputies, has been named the new minister of Higher Education and Training. Nomusa Dube-Ncube was appointed deputy minister. The ANC expressed confidence in the new leadership to advance access, equity, and quality in the higher education sector. Ramaphosa has wielded his axe three times in recent days. Nearly two weeks ago, he suspended Police Minister Senzo Mchunu and placed him on special leave over explosive allegations that he interfered in police work investigations that involved political assassinations. Mchunu has since denied these allegations, but was succeeded by ANC heavyweight Firoz Cachalia. On Monday, after Nkabane's dismissal, Ramaphosa also announced the suspension of the South Gauteng Director of Public Prosecutions, Adv Andrew Chauke. Manamela's appointment brought questions within the corridors of Luthuli House as officials once again questioned why Ramaphosa appointed him when he had not done so when he suspended Mchunu, overlooking his two deputies, Polly Boshielo and Cassel Mathale. A senior National Executive Committee member said, although it was Ramaphosa's prerogative to pick and choose as to who he preferred, he appeared to be selective and wanted to keep people who were trusted around him. 'Comrades have been talking about it… they say the president should be consistent in his dealings… But I for one think it's a tough decision. We have the SACP (South African Communist Party) having decided to contest the elections… and you have Buti (Manamela) and you want to keep him in the deputy position?... It's impossible. 'The president knows he has to yield to the SACP, and this appointment will quell the tensions we have with the SACP,' the source said. New Higher Education Minister Buti Manamela. Image: Ayanda Ndamane / Independent Newspapers Political analyst Sandile Swana said Ramaphosa needed to keep people he trusted close to him because he was on his way out since its his last term. 'How Cyril Ramaphosa removes ministers is largely guided by the balance of forces for the balance of power within the tripartite alliance or the ANC, so he has to make sure that he strengthens those who protect him from any fallout that might occur. 'When he appoints new people, he will want his bodyguards to feel that he is strengthening them. These are people that would be in favour of his faction or to appease a stakeholder base,' he said. Another political analyst, Professor Sethulego Matebesi, said Ramaphosa's recent removals of high-profile individuals pointed to a significant change in his administration. 'This action might be interpreted as an effort to resolve alleged inconsistencies or disputes within his administration and to consolidate power. 'However, as opposition parties and even some members of his party voice concerns, it also calls into question the ANC's stability and the possibility of internal strife,' he said. 'Ramaphosa's decisions are perceived as being selective, which is important. It seems as if he prefers some individuals over others out of loyalty or conformity,' he said.


eNCA
11 hours ago
- eNCA
The National Dialogue must be truly South African!
President Cyril Ramaphosa convenes the Cabinet Lekgotla ESA ALEXANDER / POOL / AFP AFP JOHANNESBURG - The upcoming national convention represents a water-shed moment for South Africa's young democracy. Consequently, the impact of its success or failures will linger with us for generations. This convention, a precursor to the National Dialogue, presents an opportunity for South Africans to have a say on what they think should be the country's developmental trajectory. It presents an opportunity for South Africans to outline the details of certain norms and values that must be universally agreed to, by the people of South Africa. Therefore, it is very important for us to pen down some of the issues that need to be addressed, as the national convention sets the agenda for the National Dialogue: Firstly, we need a new social contract or compact between the people and our government. The trust deficit between government and citizens has been laid bare for all of us to see. We, therefore, need an agenda on the characteristics of governance that the people want from their leaders. Communities need ward councillors and Parliamentary Constituent Offices to start working with the people to raise issues at the highest echelons of government. We currently have an elite group of councillors who only listen to their constituencies only during times of elections or if they need the people to do something for them – something they call 'mobilising communities' for protests etc. We have a self-serving elite that listen only to themselves and ward councillors who have moved out of their wards to better places, at the expense of their constituents. Heidi Giokos eNCA Furthermore, we need a universally agreed moral regeneration. Our society has lost all sense of what is morally right or wrong, or plainly put they have negated all forms of morality. The burgeoning criminal networks that have more disposable income than your highest performing academics, the rise of open prostitution on social media and other platforms and the ever-diminishing lack of proper role models in our communities, have all contributed to the moral degeneration of our society. Neighbourhoods where street corners have been turned into drug dens and drug lords and criminals are celebrated more than exemplary police officers, teachers and doctors. We need to question the moral fibre of community members. The people of South Africa need to define their own set of moral values that will deal decisively with these issues, that remain a scourge of our society. The situation has gotten so out of hand, to the extent that police officers like Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi have become whistleblowers themselves, instead of protecting those who blow the whistle on wrongdoing. These are symptoms of a morally deficient country, which must define its path to morality urgently. And this path will be a painful one, but necessary for our multidimensional moral regeneration. eNCA Additionally, we need the people of South Africa to define what they want their foreign policy to look like. Albeit that this is the prerogative – solely – of the president according to our constitution, we need South Africans to define their own foreign policy and interests. The national convention will serve as a great platform for such crucial matters to be discussed, even if they require a constitutional amendment, that will define what South Africa wants to achieve on the international front. To get an idea of why this needs to happen, one only just needs to look at the Government of National Unity as society in microcosm. On the questions of Israel, Saharawi and the United States, members of the GNU hold different positions on each of these states. For example, the ANC's position on Israel is that we should support the Palestinian struggles and raise awareness. Contrary to the ANC, the DA and PA have all come out in full support of Israel and called for the normalisation of relations between the two countries. There are of course two sides to every situation, and my aim is not to choose sides. But such a stalemate between the parties surely warrants the need for the national dialogue to discuss – as official policy – the direction the state should take with regards to actions needed to be taken, to bring about peace in that region. These need to be part of the agenda because we have been spending millions of rand on the genocide case without clearly listening to what South Africans need. South Africans might say that they do not want the demonisation of Israel. In the same vein, they may call for intensification of the demonisation agenda against Israel and even Morocco (In the case of the Saharawi people). The crux of the matter is that the country's foreign policy has always been what the ANC thinks is 'good' for us. Especially to those who supported the liberation movement during the struggle against apartheid. Therefore, the ANC government must retain the favour. Although we are all against Human Rights violations, we must do so with the knowledge that the people of South Africa are fully behind the decisions. A decision, in the case of Israel, has been very polarising in nature. You have religious leaders who pledge allegiance to Israel without necessarily conforming to government official policy. This is symptomatic of a society that is not in sync with itself. Therefore, we need that on the agenda for the sake of synchronicity. Lastly, the national dialogue must be 'National' in character and in form. It must not be another elite talk shop which speaks for the people without the people. From the days of CODESA to date, our country has suffered the tyranny of the 'clever' elite who decide what the people want without truly listening. By: *Muloiwa holds a Masters of Arts in Political Studies and is currently enrolled for an MSc in Science Communication at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg.