logo
Libya commander Haftar seeks to force international engagement

Libya commander Haftar seeks to force international engagement

Time of India21-07-2025
AI- Representative Image
TUNIS: Libya's eastern authorities recently expelled a senior European delegation in a move analysts say was meant to send a message: the unrecognised administration backed by military leader Khalifa Haftar cannot be ignored.
On July 8, an EU commissioner and ministers from Greece, Italy and Malta were in Libya to discuss irregular migration from the North African country.
Their visit was divided in two, as is Libya, which is still grappling with the aftermath of the armed conflict and political chaos that followed the 2011 Nato-backed uprising that toppled long time dictator Moamer Kadhafi.
The delegation first visited the capital Tripoli, seat of the internationally recognised Libyan government of Prime Minister Abdelhamid Dbeibah.
They then travelled to Benghazi, in the east, where a rival administration backed by Haftar and his clan is based, and with whom the EU has generally avoided direct contact.
Almost immediately, a reported disagreement prompted the eastern authorities to accuse the European delegation of a "flagrant breach of diplomatic norms", ordering the visiting dignitaries to leave.
In Brussels, the European commission admitted a "protocol issue".
by Taboola
by Taboola
Sponsored Links
Sponsored Links
Promoted Links
Promoted Links
You May Like
Your Finger Shape Says a Lot About Your Personality, Read Now
Tips and Tricks
Undo
Tarek Megerisi, a senior policy fellow at the European council on foreign relations think tank, said the scene at the airport "was a calculated move".
Haftar was playing to EU fears of irregular migration in order "to generate de facto European recognition", and thus "broaden relations with Europe away from just engagement with him as a local military leader".
Turning the delegation away showed that declining to engage with the eastern civilian administration was no longer an option.
'Punish Athens'
The complex situation in Libya has required unusual diplomacy.
European governments recognise and work with the Tripoli-based government and not the eastern administration, but still hold contact with Haftar's military forces.
In their visit earlier this month, the European commissioner and ministers were meant to meet with eastern military officials.
But once at the Benghazi airport, they saw "there were people there that we had not agreed to meet", a European official in Brussels told journalists on condition of anonymity.
"We had to fly back," the official said, adding that "of course" it was linked to recognition of the eastern government.
Claudia Gazzini, a Libya expert at the International Crisis Group, said she did not believe "it was a premeditated incident".
But "the question does present itself as to why" ministers from the eastern government were at the airport in the first place, and why Haftar would let it play out the way it did, she said.
"We can't completely rule out that there was some particular issue or bilateral disagreement with one of the countries represented in the delegation," Gazzini added.
Libya expert Jalel Harchaoui suggested Greece may have been the target.
On July 6, two days before the axed visit, "the Greek foreign minister had come to demand concessions on migration and maritime (issues) without offering any tangible incentives", Harchaoui said.
Despite Haftar's personal involvement, the July 6 visit "had yielded nothing", added the expert.
Then, on July 8, "a Greek representative -- this time as part of an EU delegation -- wanted to negotiate on the same day with the rival Tripoli government, placing the two governments on an equal footing", he said.
This was "an affront in Benghazi's view", Harchaoui said, and the administration wanted to "punish Athens".
Legitimacy
To Harchaoui, the diplomatic flap was a sign not to "underestimate" the Haftars' foreign policy.
"The Haftar family is an absolutely essential actor" in tackling the influx of migrants or, for example, advancing energy projects, due to its key role in securing Libya's eastern coast, said Harchaoui.
The message delivered at the Benghazi airport "is clear: take the eastern faction seriously", he added.
Harchaoui said that the Haftars, already "rich in cash and strong" in terms of strategic assets, have recently increased efforts to "consolidate their legitimacy".
Haftar himself was hosted in February by French President Emmanuel Macron, and in May by Russia's Vladimir Putin.
And Haftar's son, Saddam, recently visited the United States, Turkey, Italy and Niger.
Even Ankara, which has provided support for the Tripoli-based government in repelling attacks from the east, "is now seeking to further profit off the Haftars through things like construction projects", said Megerisi.
He added that Turkey also has wider geopolitical ambitions, hoping to see the Haftars endorse a maritime border agreement in the eastern Mediterranean, which Tripoli had already signed but Athens regards as illegal.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Madhya Pradesh Public Service Commission (MPPSC) engineering exam: Over 8k applicants for just 23 posts
Madhya Pradesh Public Service Commission (MPPSC) engineering exam: Over 8k applicants for just 23 posts

Time of India

time37 minutes ago

  • Time of India

Madhya Pradesh Public Service Commission (MPPSC) engineering exam: Over 8k applicants for just 23 posts

By: INDORE: Madhya Pradesh Public Service Commission (MPPSC) received over 8,000 applications for just 23 posts in the State Engineering Services Examination 2024, reflecting the steep competition. With nearly 348 candidates vying for each post, aspirants are raising serious concerns over the extremely limited number of vacancies. The exam is scheduled for August 24. The intense rush for applications is largely attributed to no announcement of vacancies for 2023 State Engineering Services exam, which left thousands of engineering graduates in limbo. Aspirants were hopeful that this year's recruitment would compensate with higher vacancies, but the numbers only declined. Initially, the notification issued in March announced just 13 posts across four govt departments. Later, with the addition of 10 more positions from the Public Works Department, the total rose to 23. This is a sharp drop compared to previous years; 36 posts were advertised in 2022, and a robust 466 in 2021. In 2021, a total of 36,283 candidates applied for 466 posts. The steep fall in vacancies despite consistently high interest from candidates has raised questions among aspirants about the shrinking scale of public sector engineering opportunities. Aspirants have been demanding that at least 100 more posts be added, citing the rising unemployment among engineering graduates and the declining number of competitive govt engineering opportunities. The written examination is likely to be conducted in Indore, Bhopal, Jabalpur, and Gwalior, using OMR-based sheets. The exam comprises two papers: General Studies (150 marks) and Engineering Subject Paper (300 marks) in civil, mechanical, or electrical streams. A 50-mark interview will follow the written exam, taking the total selection score to 450. "Over 8,000 candidates have applied for the State Engineering Exam 2024. The exam is scheduled for August 24. Once ranked alongside State and Forest Services in prestige, State Engineering Services exam is now losing ground due to shrinking opportunities.

Trump gives new ultimatum to Putin for Ukraine ceasefire
Trump gives new ultimatum to Putin for Ukraine ceasefire

United News of India

timean hour ago

  • United News of India

Trump gives new ultimatum to Putin for Ukraine ceasefire

London, July 29 (UNI) Frustrated with Russian President Vladimir Putin for not agreeing to the terms of ceasefire with Ukraine, US Donald Trump has presented a new, shorter deadline of "10 or 12 days" for Russia to agree to a ceasefire over the war in Ukraine from Monday, which Ukrainian President Volodymr Zelensky has called "extremely significant". The US president said there was "no reason" in waiting any longer as no progress towards peace had been made, reports BBC. Two weeks ago, Trump said President Putin had 50 days to end the war or Russia would face severe tariffs. Speaking to reporters after a meeting with UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Scotland yesterday, Trump again expressed his disapproval at Putin's actions in Ukraine, where war rages on three and a half years into Russia's full-scale invasion. Without saying whether he felt Putin had been "lying" to him, Trump highlighted the contrast between the Russian president's rhetoric during their one-on-one conversations and the missiles "lobbed" on Ukrainian cities on a near-nightly basis. "We were going to have a ceasefire and maybe peace... and all of a sudden you have missiles flying into Kyiv and other places," Trump lamented, saying that he thought negotiations would be possible but that it was now "very late down the process". "I say, forget it. I'm not gonna talk anymore. This has happened on too many occasions and I don't like it," he said while expressing his disapproval, though he also insisted that he and Putin always got along very well. Trump also said he was "no longer interested in talks". Putin has never commented on the timeframe. When the initial 50 days deadline was first announced, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov merely labelled it as "very serious", but added that Moscow needed time to analyse it. Referring to the latest developments on Monday (yesterday), Russian MP Andrey Gurulyov said Trump's ultimatums "didn't work anymore... not on the front line, not in Moscow" and that Russia had the force of its "weapons, principles and will". When Trump first mentioned shortening the deadline, Ukrainian presidential chief of staff Andriy Yermak praised him for "delivering a clear message of peace through strength" and added that Putin "respects only power". In recent months Russia has ramped up its attacks on Ukraine, launching swarms of drones and missiles on cities while pressing on with its summer offensive in the east of the country. Three rounds of ceasefire talks between Russia and Ukraine, hosted by Turkey, have resulted in thousands of prisoners of war being exchanged - but no real progress was made towards agreeing a ceasefire. After three and a half years of bloody conflict, it is unclear how the two sides could possibly reach an agreement to stop the fighting within 12 days. All of Russia's preconditions for peace - including Ukraine becoming a neutral state, dramatically reducing its military and abandoning its Nato aspirations - are unacceptable to Kyiv and to its Western partners. At the last week's round of talks, which lasted barely an hour, Peskov said a "breakthrough" in negotiations was "hardly possible". UNI XC SS

Apple isn't leaving China. Its footprint is getting harder to see.
Apple isn't leaving China. Its footprint is getting harder to see.

Mint

timean hour ago

  • Mint

Apple isn't leaving China. Its footprint is getting harder to see.

Apple's plans to make iPhones in India, components in Vietnam, and build new hubs across Southeast Asia reflect a meaningful effort to diversify away from China. But they tell only part of the story. In March, Apple CEO Tim Cook announced a new $99 million clean energy fund during a visit to Beijing. He didn't disclose project locations or recipients—only that Apple's commitment to China was 'expanding." The announcement came just two months before Chinese regulators delayed Apple's rollout of generative artificial intelligence features, the Financial Times reported. Those developments show how even one of China's most entrenched U.S. companies may face political and commercial friction as it tries to do business in both countries. As geopolitical pressure intensifies and investors look for clarity on decoupling, Apple's recent maneuvers offer a lesson for global businesses: A company need not leave China entirely so long as it can more effectively hide itself within it. Apple's behavior over the past several years shows it recalibrating its exposure to the actors and regions in China that carry reputational or regulatory risk. But it isn't ceasing to do business in China. Rather, Apple has stepped back from some of its direct affiliations and reduced its visibility without severing its ties to the business ecosystem in China, which remains dominated by the Chinese Communist Party. This model is instructive for other multinationals operating in China and other complex authoritarian environments. Confrontation and divestment are costly. Structural opacity, by contrast, offers flexibility—and protection. Apple needs to remain in good standing with regulators on both sides of the Pacific. That has led to unusual arrangements in China's western Xinjiang region. The Chinese Communist Party's policies of mass surveillance and forced labor there have deservedly drawn international condemnation. Congress passed the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act in 2021, banning imports tied to forced labor in Xinjiang. Many Western businesses have withdrawn entirely from doing business in Xinjiang. In 2016, Apple announced that it had taken minority stakes in four wind power projects in China as part of a strategy to decarbonize its supply chain. The projects were developed in collaboration with Goldwind, one of China's largest wind turbine makers. Goldwind has strong ties to state-led infrastructure planning and to Xinjiang. The company was formerly called Xinjiang Goldwind but dropped the word from its name in 2023. Though not sanctioned by the U.S., Goldwind has faced criticism for its ties to Xinjiang from European and U.S. politicians for its suspected ties to forced labor. An investigation by the Tech Transparency Project, a nonprofit organization, and The Information, a tech and business publication, linked Goldwind to state-run labor transfer programs and construction projects involving the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, a U.S.-sanctioned paramilitary entity. U.S. pressure over forced labor in Xinjiang intensified in 2020. Companies such as H&M and Nike, which issued statements addressing forced labor allegations, faced backlash on social media in China. By 2021, Apple's affiliated entities no longer appeared as shareholders in the Goldwind wind projects in Xinjiang. Corporate filings, reviewed in a Chinese business registration database, indicate that the equity stakes were transferred to subsidiaries controlled by Goldwind. Apple didn't publicly disclose the move, and no mention appeared in its environmental or investor reporting: Apple's investment shift is being revealed here for the first time. Apple didn't respond to requests for comment. The company has addressed allegations of forced labor involving Xinjiang in at least one other case, saying it regularly audits its supply chain to avoid the practice. It cut ties with a Chinese supplier that had been accused of forced labor in 2021, Bloomberg reported. Apple may have found other investing strategies that allow it to maintain relationships with Chinese entities in less visible ways. In 2018, Apple had announced it and 10 Chinese suppliers would invest $300 million in China Clean Energy Fund. That fund allows Apple's capital to reach state-linked firms and potentially sensitive regions without appearing in public filings. Among the beneficiaries of the fund, disclosed in a Chinese business registration database, is China General Nuclear Power Group, a state-owned firm added to the U.S. Entity List in 2019 for military ties. U.S. companies face sharp restrictions on doing business with companies on the list. The initial clean energy fund, designed to last just four years, ended in 2022. This year, Apple announced a successor fund worth approximately $99 million during Cook's visit to Beijing—but this time disclosed neither project locations nor recipient companies, continuing its reliance on indirect investment vehicles. This isn't a retreat from China but a careful reconfiguration—one that allows Apple to meet its clean-energy goals while addressing government sensitivities in both the U.S. and China. In 2024, Apple ranked third for China exposure of large U.S. companies in Strategy Risks SR 250 rankings; it has since dropped to 27th. Apple continues to operate at scale within China's commercial and political systems, while relying on structures that make its presence less legible to outside observers. The company meets regulatory expectations in both Washington and Beijing, while it avoids direct exposure that could invite retaliation from either. U.S. sanctions law covers physical imports from Xinjiang, but it doesn't restrict capital flows. Financial contributions routed through investment vehicles, such as the CCEF, are legally safe—even if reputational risk persists. Apple isn't exiting China. It has re-engineered its presence there to be less visible and harder for outsiders to trace. Its energy partnerships, once direct and disclosed, are now filtered through funds. In Xi Jinping's China, the companies that endure aren't the ones that speak out. The ones that endure are the ones that adapt—and recede from transparency. Guest commentaries like this one are written by authors outside the Barron's newsroom. They reflect the perspective and opinions of the authors. Submit feedback and commentary pitches to ideas@

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store