
Marco Rubio meets with Chinese foreign minister, calls it 'positive'
July 11 (UPI) -- U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio met with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi Friday in his first trip to Asia since his appointment to the cabinet post.
Rubio and Wang spoke for about an hour while at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Rubio told reporters it was a "very constructive, positive meeting" and said there is more the two countries could work on together.
He hinted at a potential meeting between President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping. He said the odds for that meeting are high, and "I don't have a date for you, but I think it's coming."
At the meeting, Rubio has been working to try to shore up support for United States policies on trade with China. Wang has been pushing Southeast Asian nations to resist American pressure and lean on Beijing.
During the meeting, Rubio emphasized the importance of keeping channels of communication open, and they agreed to explore areas of potential cooperation, while seeking to manage differences, according to State Department Spokesperson Tammy Bruce.
"The Secretary emphasized the need for continued discussion on a range of bilateral issues. The Secretary also raised other issues of regional and global importance," she said in a press release.
Trump has made new tariff threats on Southeast Asian nations, angering the foreign leaders at the conference, including the host country Malaysia. Japan and South Korea are also facing the threats, which cast doubt on Rubio's efforts.
Wang met with a Bangladeshi official on Friday and said it was unreasonable and unethical for the U.S. to put 35% tariffs on Bangladesh, which is one of the least developed in the world. China has warned countries that they would face consequences if they worked with the U.S. to impede Chinese exports.
"China has always been the most reliable stabilizing force in a turbulent world and the most reliable partner" for Southeast Asian countries, Wang said on Thursday at a meeting with the region's diplomats.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


New York Post
an hour ago
- New York Post
Radical college group Mamdani co-founded wanted justice for convicted terrorist deported from US
The Bowdoin College chapter of radical group Students for Justice in Palestine, co-founded by socialist NYC mayoral frontrunner Zohran Mamdani, went to bat for a terrorist convicted of deadly bombings in Israel — and was then later booted out of the US for immigration fraud. Rasmieh Yousef Odeh, 70, was convicted for a pair of bombings in Israel she helped execute in 1969 — one at a Supersol supermarket that killed two college students and a second at the British Consulate in the country. Odeh helped carry out the heinous crimes under the flag of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), a US-designated terror group. Advertisement 3 A radical anti-Israel group Zohran Mamdani helped launch during his time at Bowdoin College defended the arrest and deportation of a convicted terrorist bomber in 2014. REUTERS The Palestinian-Jordanian radical was sentenced to life in prison in Israel after she was convicted in 1970, but was released in 1979 as part of a prisoner exchange. Odeh then arrived in the US from Jordan on an immigrant visa in 1994 and became a citizen in 2004. The terrorist was ordered deported in 2017 for lying about her involvement in the bombings on both her visa and US citizenship application. Advertisement Still, in 2014, the year Mamdani graduated from Bowdoin College, SJP shared an article about her case from The Hill on Facebook, and crowed, 'Justice for Rasmea Odeh!' A Facebook account linked to Mamdani also 'liked' the statement, which was viewed by The Post. The upstart socialist helped launch the Bowdoin chapter of SJP during his time at the elite college. Advertisement The same group in 2013 also invited radical Lebanese-American speaker, As'ad AbuKhalil, to address the student body. AbuKhalil has sensationally called Israel a bigger terror threat than Iran and boasted he was greatly influenced by a Palestinian leader with the nickname the 'godfather of Middle Eastern terrorism.' Independent New York City mayoral candidate Jim Walden hit out at Mamdani on X for SJP's social media post in support of Odeh, saying it 'praised her as a victim' and calling it 'radical extremism and antisemitism.' 3 Rasmieh Yousef Odeh, 70, was convicted in 1970 of two terrorist bombings in Israel the year before, including an attack on a supermarket that left two college students dead. REUTERS Advertisement Remi Kanazi, an author and poet affiliated with SJP, also tweeted his support of Odeh in a 2014 post on X, writing, 'Why is the Obama administration prosecuting torture victim Rasmea Odeh? Drop the charges: Write or call in TODAY,' he wrote with a link to an article that has since been taken offline. In her 2017 plea agreement, Odeh admitted lying about her criminal history and convictions in her US immigration applications, and that she knew it was against the law to provide false information to the US government. 'Had Odeh revealed the truth about her criminal history, as she was required to by law, she never would have been granted an immigrant visa, admitted to the United States, allowed to live here for the last 22 years or granted United States citizenship,' the plea read. 3 Odeh was deported in 2017 based on charges filed by the Obama administration Justice Department in 2014. AP She was stripped of her citizenship, barred from the country for life and deported to Jordan. Though Mamdani graduated from Bowdoin in spring 2014, the SJP chapter he founded has continued to engage in increasingly radical activism. Earlier this year, the group occupied a campus building as part of a protest against the school's investment practices and President Trump hinting at taking control of war-torn Gaza, the Bowdoin Orient wrote. Meanwhile, Mamdani himself has raised eyebrows with several past statements and social media posts that appeared to be sympathetic to known terrorists. Advertisement In one resurfaced tweet, Mamdani appeared to defend al Qaeda menace Anwar al-Awalaki, who was later taken out in a drone strike approved by then-President Barack Obama. In his days as a rapper, Mamdani praised the heads of the so-called 'Holy Land Five,' the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development, an infamous nonprofit convicted of funneling more than $12 million to the terror group Hamas. Mamdani's camp did not immediately respond to The Post's request for comment.


The Hill
an hour ago
- The Hill
Elon Musk is no Ross Perot
The comparisons flood in. Elon Musk launches his 'America Party,' and every pundit reaches for the same tired parallel. Another Ross Perot. Another billionaire maverick. Another third-party earthquake waiting to happen. Wrong. Completely wrong. Musk represents everything Perot opposed. Where Perot stood for fiscal discipline, Musk embodies corporate welfare. Where Perot championed American manufacturing, Musk built his fortune on government funding and Chinese batteries. Where Perot offered genuine outsider credentials, Musk carries the stench of establishment cronyism. The surface similarities deceive. Both men possess massive wealth. Both nurse grudges against sitting presidents. Both promise to shake up the system. The differences run deeper than the Delaware River. Perot emerged from genuine business success. He built Electronic Data Systems from nothing. He created real value, real jobs, real innovation. His wealth came from solving actual problems, not gaming government handouts. Musk built his empire on taxpayer subsidies. Tesla survived on government credits. SpaceX feeds off NASA contracts. His companies consume public money like a Vegas slot machine consumes quarters. He represents the opposite of Perot's self-made independence. The timing exposes another crucial difference. Perot entered politics during America's economic malaise. Recession gripped the nation. Deficits soared. Voters craved fiscal responsibility. His message matched the moment. Musk launches his party during economic recovery. Stock markets reach record highs. Unemployment stays low. His fiscal responsibility message lands like a lead balloon in a helium factory. More importantly, Perot possessed something Musk lacks entirely: credibility on his core issue. When Perot talked about budget deficits, people listened. He had never taken government handouts. He understood business efficiency. He could legitimately claim outsider status. Musk talking about government waste sounds like a meth addict lecturing about sobriety. His companies gorged themselves on federal subsidies for decades. He personally benefited from programs he now claims to oppose. The hypocrisy stinks from orbit. The political landscape has also shifted dramatically since 1992. Perot faced two establishment candidates, the president, George H.W. Bush and his Democratic challenger Bill Clinton. Voters hungered for alternatives. The third-party lane stretched wide and inviting. Today's political map offers no such opening. Trump already occupies the anti-establishment space. He owns the outsider brand, despite being president. Musk cannot out-populist the master populist. The media environment has transformed beyond recognition. In 1992, Perot could command television attention through sheer novelty. Cable news was young. Social media did not exist. A billionaire buying airtime could reach millions of uncommitted voters. Now everyone screams into the digital void. Attention spans shrink by the nanosecond. Musk's X antics already overexpose him. His brand suffers from overexposure, not invisibility. Perot also offered policy substance beneath the theatrics. His deficit charts bored audiences, yet they conveyed serious proposals. He understood complex economic issues. His solutions made mathematical sense, even if they were politically unrealistic. Musk offers conspiracy theories and vanity projects. His policy knowledge barely scratches the surface. He confuses tweeting with governing. He mistakes social media engagement for political support. The coalition mathematics doom Musk from the start. Perot drew votes from both parties roughly equally. His appeal crossed traditional lines. Fiscal conservatives and government skeptics existed in both camps. Musk's potential supporters cluster overwhelmingly on the right. He cannot build a truly bipartisan coalition. Democratic voters despise him. His only hope lies in cannibalizing Republican support. This creates a fatal strategic problem. Every vote Musk gains likely comes from Trump's column. He cannot expand the anti-establishment coalition because he lacks cross-party appeal. He can only divide it. The structural barriers have hardened since Perot's time. Ballot access requirements have increased. Campaign finance laws favor established parties. The debate commission now excludes third parties more effectively. Perot qualified for the presidential debates in 1992. Those appearances legitimized his candidacy. Current rules make such inclusion nearly impossible. Without debate access, third parties wither in obscurity. The fundamental character differences matter most. Perot, for all his quirks, projected competence. He ran a disciplined campaign. He stayed on message. He treated politics seriously. Musk treats everything as a game. He changes positions hourly. He picks fights on social media. He lacks the temperament for sustained political combat. Perot understood American voters. He spoke their language. He shared their concerns. He offered real solutions to real problems. Musk lives in a Silicon Valley bubble. He mistakes X for reality. He confuses online engagement with electoral support. He fundamentally misunderstands the American electorate. The comparison insults Perot's legacy. He may have been eccentric, demanding and difficult, but he changed American politics permanently. He forced both parties to address fiscal responsibility. He proved that third parties could compete. Musk offers nothing comparable — no serious policy agenda, no coherent vision, no sustainable coalition. His proposed new party is just another billionaire's vanity project disguised as political reform. The America Party will follow the same trajectory as Musk's other attention-grabbing schemes — media frenzy, gradual reality, ultimate failure. John Mac Ghlionn is a writer and researcher who explores culture, society and the impact of technology on daily life.


New York Post
an hour ago
- New York Post
Seaport Entertainment mulling offers for 250 Water St. vacant lot
All summer eyes are on Seaport Entertainment Group, which is mulling offers for its valuable 1.1-acre vacant lot at 250 Water St., even as it grapples with losses at the Seaport's Tin Building. After Howard Hughes Corp. spun off SEG last summer, it wasn't clear what the new owners would do with 250 Water St., a short stroll from the Seaport's busy Pier 17, where HHC spent years planning and winning city approvals for a new, mixed-use project. 3 A rendering of the proposed Seaport Tower at 250 Water St. Skidmore, Owings & Merrill 3 Original design of 250 Water Street featured two tall towers on a podium base. Howard Hughes Corporation/SOM We predicted in January that SEG, which is not in the development business, would put the site up for sale. Two months later, they tapped JLL to sift offers, Crains reported. Seaport CEO Anton Nikodemus said in a conference call that more than 130 'potential buyers or partners' expressed interest. Now, sources told Realty Check, they've winnowed the list down to three or four, but no names have yet emerged. SEG didn't respond to multiple requests for comment. Meanwhile, SEG just took what it called an 'administrative step' to 'complete the process' of a plan it announced in January to 'internalize food and beverage operations at many of our wholly-owned and joint venture-owned restaurants.' The publicly traded company announced on June 30 it 'terminated' the Tin Building management agreement with Jean-Georges Vongerichten's Creative Culinary Management Company. 3 Chef Jean-Georges Vongerichten. Tamara Beckwith Vongerichten Management CEO Lois Freedman explained to us, 'What was more a management agreement now is a licensing agreement.' SEG earlier said it took a $33 million loss on the Tin Building in 2024. Although a small section was closed off, it remains open and its House of the Red Pearl restaurant remains a hot Chinese destination.