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Patrice Motsepe's ARC delisting faces R3.6bn cross-border collision

Patrice Motsepe's ARC delisting faces R3.6bn cross-border collision

Daily Maverick24-04-2025
As Patrice Motsepe's investment vehicle prepares to exit the JSE, an escalating legal battle in Tanzania threatens to follow it across borders.
When African Rainbow Capital (ARC) issued a SENS statement on 18 March 2025 announcing its intention to delist from the Johannesburg Stock Exchange and A2X, the message was clear: the move was reportedly about streamlining costs and correcting a mismatch between market value and actual asset worth.
Several thousand kilometres to the north in Tanzania, that announcement sent alarm bells ringing.
There, ARC and its affiliates — including African Rainbow Minerals (ARM), ARCH Sustainable Resources GPCo, and Motsepe himself — are facing a $195-million (about R3.6-billion) lawsuit brought by US-based investment firm Pula Group.
The timing of ARC's delisting, Pula alleges, is far from incidental.
Judgment day approaches
The Tanzanian High Court has taken the matter seriously. After ARC and several co-defendants failed to appear in court in December 2023, Pula applied for a default judgment.
A default judgment is a legal ruling made in favour of one party when the other fails to respond or appear in court.
ARC and its co-defendants argued that they had been improperly served — a claim the court rejected on 12 July 2024.
As a result, the Commercial Court of Tanzania is set to hear the case on 7 May 2025. The hearing comes just weeks before ARC's expected exit from the JSE and A2X, scheduled for early June.
A neighbour too close for comfort
Initially filed in November 2023, the lawsuit accuses ARC and its affiliates of breaching a confidentiality and non-compete agreement over a graphite project in Tanzania's mineral-rich Ruangwa District.
It accuses the companies of using privileged information shared by Pula to back a competing graphite venture, Evolution Energy Minerals.
In its 2024 annual report, Evolution describes ARCH as the company's 'cornerstone investor' with a 24.7% interest in the company. 'Out of more than 50 graphite projects in Africa that ARCH could have invested in, they decided to invest in the project adjacent to Pula's graphite operations,' Ambassador Charles Stith, executive chairman of Pula Group, said.
The fallout, Stith claims, was strategic. 'The delisting has profound financial implications and significantly affects the profile of ARC,' he added. '[Pula] submitted to the court that the delisting materially affects that status quo.'
No comment, no clarity
ARC declined to respond to Daily Maverick's queries about the lawsuit or its delisting. Nor has it publicly commented on the pending mediation process ordered by the Tanzanian court.
ARM only responded that it is not in a position to comment as the matter is currently before the Tanzanian court.
ARCH, for its part, denied any wrongdoing or obligation. '[ARCH] was not a party and has no obligations to Pula pursuant to the terms of the confidentiality agreement,' the company said in a written statement.
It further stressed that it 'did not receive any confidential information on the Pula Graphite Project from ARM.'
ARCH did, however, confirm the basics of the dispute. 'ARM concluded a confidentiality agreement with [Pula] to consider a potential investment in the Pula Graphite Project,' it said. 'We understand that ARM subsequently did not proceed with the proposed investment.'
Graphite, power, and precedent
At stake is a resource increasingly coveted by battery manufacturers and governments alike: graphite.
Tanzania's Ruangwa District is home to some of the world's top-ranked graphite deposits, and Pula holds four licences in the area.
The group told Daily Maverick that it had hopes of the lawsuit setting a precedent in protecting the rights of Tanzanian mining companies competing against international counterparts.
'Seventy percent of mineral exploration in Tanzania is conducted by Australian and Canadian companies,' Pula said in a press advisory statement in November 2024. 'It is the unfair, prejudicial, and predatory practices of companies like ARM and Motsepe's associated companies that perpetuate the disparity in the mining sector.'
How does this affect you?
ARC's delisting may seem like a distant boardroom decision, but its implications ripple far beyond Sandton.
For Africans invested in ARC, delisting means reduced transparency and fewer investor protections.
Meanwhile, the Pula lawsuit raises questions about how South African firms conduct business across borders and the potential legal fallout when deals sour.
If local companies can quietly pull back from public accountability while facing serious legal claims abroad, it sets a precedent that chips away at corporate transparency.
A delisting with baggage
ARC's reasons for delisting, detailed in its most recent circular to shareholders, centre on cost, tax inefficiencies and low market liquidity.
It also noted that its international fundraising ambitions via a Mauritian structure failed to materialise, and that nearly all shareholders were South African.
ARC may be preparing its corporate exit, but for now, the courtroom in Dar es Salaam might be the only place it can't quietly walk away from. DM
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Gauteng's R68bn education budget is insufficient to address key issues, warn experts
Gauteng's R68bn education budget is insufficient to address key issues, warn experts

Daily Maverick

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  • Daily Maverick

Gauteng's R68bn education budget is insufficient to address key issues, warn experts

Experts have warned that despite the Gauteng Department of Education budget increasing to R68bn for the 2025/26 financial year, it is not enough to address critical challenges such as the rapid increase in learners, infrastructure backlogs and systemic inequalities. The Gauteng Department of Education (GDE) has announced a R68-billion budget for the 2025/2026 financial year designed to drive improvements across the province's education sector. Key priorities include addressing long-standing infrastructure backlogs, expanding access to Early Childhood Development (ECD) programmes and improving teacher retention and recruitment. Speaking at a post-budget vote media briefing at Jeppe Girls High School on 20 July, Education MEC Matome Chiloane emphasised the transformative intent behind the allocation. 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How Vodacom and Maziv convinced everyone they had changed
How Vodacom and Maziv convinced everyone they had changed

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How Vodacom and Maziv convinced everyone they had changed

All the details from the Vodacom/Maziv merger Competition Appeals Court hearing where R12bn in promises nearly caused a fender-bender. When senior counsel representing the Competition Commission, advocate Daniel Berger, said, 'My lord, as an officer of the court, I am duty bound to commit this statement to the public record,' I nearly drove my car off the road in shock. I was on my way from collecting my kids from school to drop my son off at his football practice, and things were getting spicy in the post-lunch session of Competition Appeals Court (CAC) proceedings. But how did we get here? The devil in the details Earlier this month, I reported on the Competition Commission's dramatic about-turn on the Vodacom/Maziv merger – how they went from fierce opposition to sudden support after the parties agreed to 'revised conditions'. Now, sitting in back-to-school traffic with a Teams call crackling through my car speakers, I got the full story of exactly what those conditions entail. And frankly, it's either the most comprehensive set of telecoms concessions in South African history, or the most elaborate corporate sleight of hand. The headline number that had everyone's attention was always going to be the money. Maziv has committed to a cumulative capital expenditure (capex) of 'at least R12-billion' over five years for network expansion and maintenance. That's 'two more (billions) than it was before,' as one counsel helpfully clarified for those of us trying to do math while navigating parking lot chaos. But here's where it gets interesting – and where my daughter, sitting in the passenger seat doing homework, started asking why I was shouting at my laptop again: of that R12-billion, R9-billion will be spent specifically on new fibre projects, with the commitment period restarted from April 2025. They've effectively put the 'clock back to zero' on their investment timeline. The kicker? The capex will be 'primarily but not exclusively spent on roll-out of infrastructure in low-income areas.' This isn't just about passing homes – it's about actually connecting them. The million homes promise Maziv has undertaken to pass at least one million homes in lower-income areas over five years, with at least 350,000 homes in what they're calling 'key areas' (think Alexandra Township), what counsel is calling the 'lowest of low-income homes'. My daughter is now asking what I mean when I keep muttering about 'homes passed'. How do you explain to a 14-year-old that a telecoms company just promised to wire up the townships? But the really fundamental concession – the one that had legal eagles in the virtual courtroom practically purring, is this: Maziv must provide 'sufficient capex to ensure that every home passed in terms of the commitments that wishes to be connected on the prevailing terms and conditions for connection is connected' for five years. What this means They can't just run fibre past your house in Alex and then charge you R2,000 to actually connect. They have to budget for actual connections, not just the theatrical gesture of running cables down your street.. Boardroom chess The shareholding arrangements have been tweaked in ways that would make any corporate governance lawyer proud. Vodacom still gets its initial 30% co-controlling equity interest, but the path to 40% just became significantly more complicated. Under the revised conditions, which now meet muster for Compcom sign-off, 'Vodacom can't increase its shareholding beyond 34.9% without the consent of the Commission.' And if it wants to move to more direct forms of control, it'll need fresh merger approval entirely. I gaze directly into the sun, trying to follow the technical submissions about board composition. 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Advocate Jerome Wilson, representing the merging parties, spent considerable time arguing that the tribunal had 'misdirected itself' through what he called 'internal mistrust' and 'cynicism or bias'. The tribunal, Wilson argued, relied on 'extraordinary allegations' about alleged past collusion between Vodacom and MTN from media reports dating back to 1994 – allegations that were never properly tested in proceedings. This context, he said, apparently 'infected the Tribunal's entire reasoning process'. Wilson's most damning critique focused on the tribunal's 'counterfactual analysis', basically, what would happen without the merger. The tribunal assumed Vodacom would become a very significant fibre player in low-income areas and that other players would fill any investment gap. The evidence? A Dark Fibre Africa representative testimony saying it would take 'at least three years for me to find an investor and I cannot guarantee you that I would find one', and that 'nobody else has come up since 2015' other than Vodacom. The tribunal's reliance on speculation rather than what Wilson calls 'real world outcomes' was deemed a fundamental error. But this does not erase the other issues. The maths starts math-thing While lawyers argued legal theory, the market realities are crazy. Pre-merger, Maziv (through Vumatel) commanded 32% of the fibre-to-the-home (FTTH) market with 2,050,000 homes passed. Vodacom's standalone fibre network? A measly 2.5% with 158,000 homes. Post-merger, the combined entity will control 34.5% of homes passed (2,208,000) and 34.4% of homes connected (885,000). That makes them significantly larger than Telkom's Openserve at 20.9% of homes passed. I explain to my now fully engaged teenager that this deal is essentially creating a duopoly in South Africa's wholesale fibre market: Vodacom-Maziv versus Openserve, with everyone else scrambling for scraps. Which was the original Compcom opposition point, until the merging parties sweetened the deal to get government buy-in – the DTIC and communications minister both supported the appeal. Honeypot dealmaking These post-tribunal public interest commitments read like a policymaking wet dream. Free gigabit per second fibre connections for all public schools, libraries, and clinics passed by the FTTH network roll-out. More police stations getting Fixed Wireless Access (FWA) products. Enhanced employee share ownership plans. Vodacom has also committed to achieving 90% 5G population coverage within five years, with obligations to connect additional FWA users that will require them to 'price their FWA competitively'. For pricing protection, FTTH can't increase prices for the lowest-price options for two years, and there can be 'no forced upgrades' for five years – protecting lower-income consumers from being pushed on to more expensive packages. You see, the tribunal's concern was that Vodacom's veto rights could allow it to force Maziv to act against its profit-maximising interests – essentially, to favour Vodacom over other wholesale customers. The merging parties argued this was a 'fundamental conceptual error'. Vodacom would account for 'less than 20% of Maziv's revenues', so any theoretical side payments or compensation for non-profit-maximising behaviour simply wouldn't make economic sense. The burden of debt What's often lost in the regulatory theatre is why Maziv needed this deal in the first place. CIVH, Maziv's parent company (owned by Remgro), was carrying R19.5-billion in debt by mid-2024. This merger provides the capital injection needed to fund the next phase of fibre expansion, particularly into areas where the business case is marginal. The 'lessening of competition' identified by the tribunal primarily affected 'certain wealthier households' – about 2,000 to 7,500 homes, according to the merging parties. They argued this was insignificant when weighed against connecting a million low-income homes. One genuinely innovative aspect of the revised conditions is an enhanced 'fast-track interim relief process' for foreclosure concerns. This allows an expert to make binding determinations while formal investigations are under way, 'taking the load off the commission' for complex, time-sensitive issues. It's regulatory innovation born from regulatory failure. A recognition that the traditional competition processes aren't nimble enough for rapidly evolving telecoms markets. Concession is a town in Zimbabwe As I finally switch off the Teams call, the bigger picture comes into focus. Compcom's about-turn isn't just about accepting better conditions, it's about accepting that South Africa's digital infrastructure reality requires uncomfortable compromises. The revised deal creates what's being called a 'fibre powerhouse with unparalleled market scale' while theoretically addressing competition and public interest concerns. Whether those theoretical protections work in practice remains to be seen. But here's the uncomfortable truth that emerged from the proceedings: the same companies we don't trust to compete fairly are the only ones with deep enough pockets to bridge our digital divide. In a country where millions still lack basic connectivity, that might be a trade-off we're willing to make. DM

Freezing of assets on the line as US moves to sanction ANC officals
Freezing of assets on the line as US moves to sanction ANC officals

eNCA

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Freezing of assets on the line as US moves to sanction ANC officals

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